德国农业援助:战略、机构设置和途径

顺应国际发展援助趋势和德国本土援助政策的调整,德国对外援助越来越重视农业领域。本文通过对德国发展援助相关机构的调研和政策文本的梳理,分析了德国农业援助的战略目标和重点以及优先国家等;分析了多部门共同参与德国农业对外援助的组织体系,比较了不同部门农业援助的异同;分析了德国农业对外援助从决策到项目的纵向管理结构以及农业咨询公司、非政府机构和教会组织的参与;以及分析了德国农业对外援助的主要方法和途径。     

中国的对外发展援助战略反思

对外发展援助是一国对外政策中的重要工具。近年来,随着中国的战略崛起,中国对外援助的目标、功能和手段都发生了较大的变化。为了更好地适应国际政治经济形势的新变化,中国的对外发展援助需要在战略目标、决策管理体制、执行监督机制等方面做出适时的调整和改革。本文首先分析了对外发展援助与国家利益的关系,然后探讨了中国对外发展援助的指导思想、战略重点和国别策略。通过借鉴其他国家的实践经验以及对中国对外援助体系的分析,本文还尝试对中国对外发展援助的决策、管理、执行和评估机制的改革和完善提出了若干建议。     

中国的对外发展援助战略反思

对外发展援助是一国对外政策中的重要工具.近年来,随着中国的战略崛起,中国对外援助的目标、功能和手段都发生了较大的变化.为了更好地适应国际政治经济形势的新变化,中国的对外发展援助需要在战略目标、决策管理体制、执行监督机制等方面做出适时的调整和改革.本文首先分析了对外发展援助与国家利益的关系,然后探讨了中国对外发展援助的指导思想、战略重点和国别策略.通过借鉴其他国家的实践经验以及对中国对外援助体系的分析,本文还尝试对中国对外发展援助的决策、管理、执行和评估机制的改革和完善提出了若干建议.     

法国对外援助的经验教训及其借鉴意义

法国具有长期对外援助的历史。在对外援助中,法国积累了丰富的实践经验,这些经验主要是,坚持普遍与重点相结合的地区援助政策,重视法国文化传播,推进对落后国家的气候援助,注重发挥非政府组织作用,建立援助评估制度,加强与国际组织的合作等。但法国对外援助也有一些教训和问题:援助目标过多,援助机构复杂,与受援国关系不对等,导致受援国产生援助依赖。我国深化援外方式改革,应注意吸取法国的经验教训,进一步完善我国的对外援助管理体系,灵活确定重点援助国别,引导企业主动履行社会责任,加强与受援国的文化交流,谨慎处理对外援助中的多边合作关系。     

发展援助的中间道路:德国对外援助研究

在全球国际发展援助体系中,德国以其区域覆盖广、利益兼顾平衡、专业性突出而独特于其他发展援助国家,本文梳理了德国对外援助的历史及其组织机构的演化,并对德国对外援助的动因与偏好进行了客观分析。此外,文章在采用数据分析的基础上对德国对外援助的地理分布和渠道分配进行了深入研究。最后,文章结合后金融危机时代特征提出了德国对外援助所面临的挑战。     

后冷战时代日本ODA政策析论

政府开发援助（ODA）作为日本发展自身经济和拓展对外交往的有效手段，对战后日本乃至世界经济的发展都起到了至关重要的影响。冷战结束以后，日本加快了急当世界政治大国的步伐，为此更加倚重政府开发援助这一既能有效贯彻自身政治外交意图又为国际社会所普遍接受的政策手段，而世界第二经济大国和对外援助总额世界第一的经济实力地位，客观上为日本进行政府开发对外援助提供了得天独厚的经济优势。根据冷战后国际政治经济形势的新发展和日本外交目标与任务的调整，日本对外援助在新的对外政策体系中得到重新定位。一、继续维持日本战略…     

德国对外气候援助的行为及其动因分析

提供气候援助以支持发展中国家实现气候治理能力的提升,是《联合国气候变化框架公约》下发达国家缔约方的法律义务。随着气候变化议题地位的不断上升,气候援助也成为诸多发达国家对外援助中的重要部分。一直以来,对外气候援助在德国对外援助中占有着较大比重,在美国退出《巴黎协定》、全球气候资金面临缺口的情况下,德国仍然保持甚至增加了其对气候援助的投入和承诺,是全球公认的积极的对外气候援助国。其对外援助行动表现出了援助意愿强、援助力度大、援助对象广、援助渠道多和援助专业化的特点。通过对德国援助行为的分析,可发现其援助动因主要来自三方面:一是帮助受援国发展应对气候变化的能力;二是提升德国在气候议题中的谈判能力和国际影响力;三是促进德国国内气候相关产业的发展,提升其国际竞争力。可以预见,德国将会在这一领域延续其一贯积极的政策导向,引领全球发达国家的气候援助行动。     

韩国的政府采购制度

在亚洲国家中,韩国实行政府采购较早,自1949年局部集中采购制度建立以来,历经多次变革已日趋完善。1949年,韩国成立了第一个统一采购机构,即对外援助临时供应办公室。那时该办公室的主要职责是运用政府外汇基金购买政府所需的物品。1955年,韩国将采购和供应集中到一个机构,成立了对外供应办公室,它运用政府外汇基金、外国援助基金和政府贷款等进行广泛的公共采     

战后初期美国在对外政策中的两党合作

本文的研究对象是第二次世界大战结束后初期美国在对外政策上两党合作的实践。两党合作的对外政策指的是在对外政策领域内 ,以总统为代表的行政部门同另一党的某些国会领袖以协商等形式进行的政策制订过程 ,其目的是为了最高的“国家利益”而将对党派私利的考虑排除在外 ,并使政策最终获得总统和国会两党多数的支持。第二次世界大战后 ,美国在对外政策上的两党合作始于创立联合国 ,并在此后确保了援助希腊、土耳其 ,马歇尔计划 ,以及建立北大西洋公约组织等一系列重大政策的成功。长期来看 ,两党合作的深层影响则是加强了冷战共识和行政部门权力的扩张 ,并在本质上与美国分权制衡的宪政原则相抵触。两党合作的外交政策在短时间内看是必要的和有益的 ,但也蕴藏着危险。     

意识形态对俄罗斯国家对外目标的影响

根据意识形态对一国对外政策的影响,可以将其分为两种类型:保守型和革命型。前者对现状满意,认同现存国际权势分配,遵守现存国际法治;后者对现状不满,憧憬对现存体系权力结构进行颠覆与修正,以应然式的道德原理批判现有国际法治,并以帝国主义的对外扩张能动性为标志。革命型意识形态与既有国际秩序存在内生对立与冲突,作为一国对外政策目标的指导思想,具备内在固有的修正主义动机。俄罗斯传统意识形态属于保守型,以维护君主专制的正统地位和帝国传统、反对自由主义、民族主义为目标。19世纪中后期和20世纪初,泛斯拉夫主义和国际共产主义先后取得主导意识形态地位,其意识形态表现出鲜明的革命型特质。在革命型意识形态的影响下,俄罗斯对外政策目标呈现出较多的修正主义色彩,对传统国际体系持否定与敌视态度,并与当时的国际体系发生一系列对抗与冲突。而地缘环境产生的不安全感也使俄罗斯革命型意识形态的进攻性得以强化。但是,由于俄罗斯与主要大国的实力对比,特别是与首要强国实力对比,并无明显优势或处于明显劣势。因此,出于国家安全的紧迫需要,俄罗斯需要维护当时的国际体系均势,以免受潜在霸权国的侵略威胁。在不得已的条件下,根据当时国际体系的均势结构特征,适时调整具有革命型意识形态色彩的对外政策,使对外政策的修正主义目标出现一定程度的妥协。在国家安全拥有余裕的前提下,俄罗斯革命型意识形态的进攻色彩较强,反之,则进攻色彩弱化。     

2000年的缅甸外交

重返国际社会是缅甸军政府近年来对外关系的重要目标。在 2 0 0 0年 ,缅甸军政府继续为此而努力 ,并保持了与中国、东盟的传统友好关系 ,与印度关系取得了突破性进展 ,与俄、日等国关系有所恢复和发展 ,但与美国、欧盟以及有关国际组织的关系依然没有明显好转。     

The New Federalism in Mexico and Foreign Economic Policy: An Alternative Two-Level Game Analysis of the Metalclad Case

This article examines, through a two-level game model, the case of the first investment dispute under NAFTA between a private U.S. firm and the Mexican government. It argues that the clue to understanding why the Mexican president could not cooperate with the U.S. president lies in Mexico's domestic "ratification" process. The analysis yields two theoretical propositions. First, federalism represents an important variable in explaining foreign economic policy. Second, two-level game logic should not be applied only to formal international negotiation situations; instead, by specifying the dependent variable as cooperation or noncooperation, these models connecting domestic and international politics can be productively applied to study foreign economic policy.     

Nationalism and Foreign Policy Discourse in Turkey Under the AKP Rule: Geography,History and National Identity

The argument of this paper is that the new foreign policy orientation of Turkey under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) government is a constitutive component of a new nationalist project, constructed and carried out by the AKP over the last decade. The article expounds the ways in which the AKP has reformulated the notions of nation, national history, homeland and national interest and demonstrates the role foreign policy has played in this reformulation. Our point of departure will be the patterns we have observed in the statements and political practices of the AKP government and its officials, particularly the incumbent minister of foreign affairs Ahmet Davuto?lu, whose book, Strategic Depth, presents a more systematic explanation of the major principles and assertions of AKP nationalism and foreign policy. We will also argue that after the Gezi protests in June 2013 this new conception of nation and nationalism has faced with a deep crisis, which has also exacerbated the problem of pursuing an ambitious foreign policy strategy in international arena.     

Demand- and supply-based policy transfer in Estonian public administration

Abstract

The aim of this study is to analyze the role of foreign influence in the development of Estonian central government since the beginning of the 1990s. A distinction is made between two types of policy transfer, which have been characteristic of Estonia and can be applied to transitional countries more generally. The first is demand-based policy learning based on the initiative and acknowledged need of recipient countries. The second is supply-based policy transfer, which is to a large extent based on foreign aid and the initiative of donor countries. Supply-based policy transfer was predominant at the start of transition, but in the late 1990s Estonian government institutions became more proactive in selecting different country models and engaging in lesson-drawing based on demand. Consequently, the focus on policy transfer has lost its significance and policy learning has become more important.     

俄罗斯网络空间治理 ——以互联网政治为视角

随着信息技术的发展和广泛应用,互联网成为人们互动的特殊空间,民众表达社会情绪、产生多元舆论的新场所,对传统政治形成新挑战。2011年以来,俄罗斯互联网快速发展,互联网政治给俄罗斯传统政治带来的挑战致使俄罗斯网络空间治理的形势愈加严峻;2018年12月俄罗斯在刻赤海峡与乌克兰发生冲突后被要挟断网,该事件使俄罗斯深刻地认识到没有网络安全就没有国家安全。在此背景下,为有效应对国内外互联网安全出现的挑战,俄罗斯政府采取战略战术相结合的思路,从顶层设计入手,借助完善法律法规、管理机制等多种手段,构建出较为完备的互联网空间治理体系。俄罗斯互联网空间的治理手段主次鲜明、有管有控,其在互联网治理理念以及管理方式上具有独到之处,值得深入研究,具有借鉴意义。未来,俄罗斯将继续从立法、技术和国际合作三个层面解决治理困境,有效规避互联网政治对国家安全带来的消极影响。     

Kenya's foreign policy in context (1963–2015)

Kenya matters regionally and globally. It is the economic powerhouse of East Africa and a long-standing hub for multilateral diplomacy; its positioning in a turbulent region has fashioned its profile as an anchor state in African peace and security. Until recently, Kenya's foreign policy orientation has situated it as a benign regional leader, but pressing developments in the regional and international environments have edged it towards a more assertive foreign policy position. This study constitutes a multilevel review of Kenya's foreign policy in the period 1963–2015, beginning with Jomo Kenyatta through to the current president, Uhuru Kenyatta. After evaluating contexts pertinent to the analysis of Kenya’s foreign policy, the fundamental principles, objectives and pillars of the current foreign policy are unpacked.     

In the Shadow of Pacifism: Foreign Policy Choices of Germany and Japan in Afghanistan

This paper explores the policy choices of Germany and Japan for contributing to international security and stability in Afghanistan. Both countries have been closely involved with Afghanistan in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks 2001. It is argued that the policy choice of Japan with a low military element and high civilian element differs significantly from the German military centered approach. An analysis of the goals and motives behind the foreign policy choices reveals that in Germany the military involvement has been justified with humanitarian reasons, national self interests and the right to “unlimited” sovereignty. This logic has ultimately led to the acceptance of civilian casualties and participation into offensive counterinsurgency operations. It is suggested that elite driven discourses have determined foreign policy strategy. In the case of Japan the paper claims that the conservative LDP elite had been pushing for intensified military involvement which materialized in the dispatch of military vessels to the Indian Ocean and ground forces to Iraq. Similar to Germany these moves towards gaining international reputation were rooted in domestic politics.     

National Role Conceptions,Domestic Constraints and the New ‘Normalcy’ in German Foreign Policy: the Eurozone Crisis,Libya and Beyond

German foreign policy can fruitfully be analysed through the lens of a modified two-level framework which identifies three interdependent drivers behind government decision making: the expectations of Germany's international partners, domestic constraints and the national role conceptions of decision-makers. In recent years, the configuration of these three drivers has witnessed a two-fold change. First, there has been a nascent shift towards the role conception of Germany as a ‘normal ally’. Second, the domestic context of German foreign policy has become more politicised and contentious. In consequence, Germany's current foreign policy tends to attach relatively less weight to the expectations of its allies, to be more driven by domestic politics – and to be altogether less predictable. The widely criticised approaches of the Merkel government to the Eurozone crisis and to the NATO mission in Libya, in turn, accord to this pattern and stand for the new ‘normalcy’ in German foreign policy.     

Belarusians between East and West

Belarus has a divided identity that reflects its complex history and culture. A mixed-methods investigation incorporating focus groups and national representative surveys conducted over a decade or more suggests that Belarusians themselves are more likely to regard themselves as “European” than their counterparts in Ukraine and Russia, but less likely to do so than in other European countries. There is substantial support for a hypothetical European Union membership, particularly among younger respondents, but there is also strong and widely distributed support for a closer association with the other members of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Consistently, it is the “multidirectional” foreign policy promoted by the current leadership, which seeks closer relations with East and West at the same time, that finds the greatest support. But a “Slavic choice” is also popular, and much more so than a “Western choice” or isolationism.     

The emergence of a civilian power: Germany and central Europe

This article argues that in its policies towards the central European countries, unified Germany displayed the characteristics of a civilian power. This was a consequence of the changes the west German state had undergone since its inception, which predisposed it towards a particular foreign policy. The article has three sections. It first sketches the ideal type civilian power, and places its normative commitments in the tradition of international liberalism. The second section illustrates the particular German circumstances that make an inclination towards a civilian foreign policy possible. The third section presents an outline of selected German policies towards the Visegrad countries, namely aid, trade, and institutional extension, and compares the findings with the civilian power ideal type introduced in Part I.