拜谒土耳其国父陵

盛夏的7月,中共中央对外联络部部长戴秉国应土耳其国务部长桐加·托斯卡伊的邀请,对古老而美丽的国家--土耳其进行了一次短暂的工作访问,我有幸作为工作人员随访.在主人的精心安排下,戴部长在首都安卡拉两天的访问日程排得很满,除会见许多土政府及友好政党领导人外,还有一项重要的活动是参观位于安卡拉市内的阿塔图尔克陵(又称国父陵).气势恢弘的陵墓建筑及庄严、隆重的敬献花圈仪式给我留下了极为深刻的印象.     

莫道天涯无知己 非洲何人不知君——中共中央政治局常委、中央政法委书记周永康访问苏丹、南非侧记

2009年11月16-21日，中共中央政治局常委、中央政法委书记周永康率中国共产党代表团访问了苏丹和南非：这次访问是应两国执政党苏丹全国大会党和南非非洲人国民大会（非国大）的邀请进行的.我参与了访问的全过程，有幸亲身经历这一必将载人中非友好史册的重大事件，亲身感受非洲人民对中国共产党和中国人民的深情厚谊，亲耳聆听中非双方领导人对中非合作的战略思考。现将自己的一些见闻写出来，与读者共享.     

中国共产党对外交往简讯：（10月16日—11月15日）

10月14-17日，应土库曼斯坦民主党、塞尔维亚民主党、黑山社会主义者民主党邀请，中共中央对外联络部副部长陈凤翔率中共友好代表团访问了上述三国。10月16-22日，应印度国大党主席、团结进步联盟主席索尼娅·甘地的邀请，中共中央政治局委员、上海市委书记俞正声率中共代表团访问了印度。     

中国共产党对外交往简讯

11月13—25日，应老挝人民革命党、柬埔寨人民党和奉辛比克党、缅甸国家和平与发展委员会、越南共产党邀请，中共中央政治局委员、天津市委书记张高丽率中共代表团访问了上述四国。中联部副部长刘洪才、天津市副市长王治平、任学锋等陪同访问。     

中国共产党对外交往简讯（9月16日-10月15日）

9月11-13日，应布隆迪保卫民主力量、乌干达全国抵抗运动、坦桑尼亚革命党邀请，中共中央书记处书记、中央纪委副书记何勇率中共代表团访问了上述三国，中联部副部长李进军，中共河北省委常委、省纪委书记臧胜业，中央纪委=中组部巡视工作组办公主任强卫东等陪同访问。     

葛兰运动在土耳其

在国内,葛兰的追随者建立了土耳其的国中之国,在警察、司法和官僚系统中拥有深厚的根基。葛兰主义者否认他们控制着土耳其警方,但一位美国驻土耳其大使2009年指出,"我们发现没人对此有争议。"途尔坎·萨伊兰(Türkan Saylan)是一位划时代的女性,她是土耳其第一批女皮肤科医生之一,也是打败麻风病运动的领袖。她还是坚定的世俗主义者,成立了一个基金会为年轻女孩提供奖学金使她们能够继续学业。2009年,警方突击搜查了她的住处,没收了一批文档。此次调查的原因是她被指与恐怖组织"土耳其右翼组织"(Ergenekon)有涉,该组织意欲在土耳其制造混乱,     

埃尔多安胜选与土耳其政治走向

2023年5月，埃尔多安再次当选土耳其总统，由其领衔的正义与发展党在首轮议会选举中获得多数席位。然而，反对党把此次总统选举拖入第二轮投票且在议会的席位增加，可见埃尔多安赢得并不轻松。胜选后，埃尔多安在应对政治纷争、改善经济环境、强地震后重建以及改善民生等领域面临诸多亟待解决的难题。展望未来，埃尔多安连任预示着土耳其国内基本政治制度将得以延续，或将在改善行政管理和经济治理方面采取新措施，在对外政策中继续施展“平衡外交”，并在一些国际热点问题上扮演“关键角色”。     

政党动态

2014年12月25—27日，应越共中央和越南祖国阵线邀请，中共中央政治局常委、全国政协主席俞正声访问越南，全国政协副主席、中共中央对外联络部部长王家瑞等陪同访问。     

视南太为“后院”是霸权思维恣肆

<正>近年来，南太平洋岛国地区似乎成了全球合作的“香饽饽”，许多西方国家均出台与南太相关的政策，美西方政要高官频繁访问南太各国。2023年7月，美国国务卿布林肯和国防部长奥斯汀先后到访南太，奥斯汀是首次访问巴布亚新几内亚的在任美国防长，布林肯此行已是一年半内的第三次到访。此前更是一度传出，拜登要开创美国历史上现任总统对太平洋岛国的首次访问。     

中国共产党对外交往简专（10月16日-11月15日）

10月11-18日，应美国政府邀请，中共中央政治局委员、中央书记处书记、中组部部长李源潮访问了美国。李源潮此访是我中央领导同志第一次以党的领导人身份访美。中共中央对外联络部副部长刘结一、中共中央组织部副部长李志勇、人力资源和社会保障部副部长王晓初等陪同访问。     

Brazil and Turkey Shift Global Politics

The world is rapidly evolving on many fronts. Brazil, Turkey and other emerging powers are taking their own initiatives and building their own global links outside the old frameworks of the G‐8, the United Nations Security Council and NATO. The “third way” politics of Tony Blair that embraced globalization from the left of center in Britain has given way to the Tory party once again. Just as recovery from the financial crash seemed on the horizon, Europe's sovereign debt crisis has erupted. The historically unprecedented pace and scale of urbanization in China is transforming the politics of the Communist Party. President Lula of Brazil, former US treasury secretary Henry Paulson, Singapore's foreign minister George Yeo and others take stock of these manifold developments.     

Will Iran Look More Like Turkey,Or Turkey Like Iran?

istanbul —The effort to forge new forms of non‐Western modernity in the Muslim world has pushed Iran into sometimes bloody civil strife while Turkey swirls with persistent rumors of military plots against the Islamist‐rooted government. The great historical question is whether, in the years to come, Iran will look more like Turkey, or Turkey like Iran?     

The Two Souls of Turkey

Orhan Pamuk, Turkey's best known novelist, was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 2006. I spoke with him in his beloved Istanbul just after his novel Snow —which explores the clashes and symmetries of secularism, nationalism and Islam in Turkish hearts and minds—was published in English in 2005.     

Turkey Fit EU Entry Criteria

The future of the European Union has never been more in doubt than at the very moment it has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for its historical accomplishments. When the heads of Europe's weakest institutions—the Commission, the Council and the Parliament—collected the prize in Oslo on December 10, 2012 they spotlighted the nub of the problem. Unless these institutions can garner the legitimacy of European citizens and transform into a real federal union with common fiscal and economic policies to complement the single currency, Europe will remain at the mercy of global financial markets and the fiscally authoritarian dictates of its strongest state, Germany. Moving beyond this state of affairs was the focus of a recent “town hall” gathering in Berlin sponsored by the Berggruen Institute on Governance. The meeting brought together current power brokers—such as the contending voices of German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble and French Finance Minister Pierre Moscovici, who rarely appear in public together—as well as Europe's top former leaders, key thinkers and young people who will govern in the future. The peace‐building project of the European Union was born out of the ashes of World War II and the anguish of the Cold War. Yet, as George Soros points out, its current inability to resolve the eurocrisis by forging greater union is dividing Europe once again, this time between creditors and debtors. Former Greek premier George Papandreou has warned that this division is fomenting a new politics of fear that is giving rise to the same kind of xenophobic movements that fueled the extreme politics of the Nazi era. To avoid a repeat of the last calamitous century, Europe first of all needs a growth strategy both to escape the “debt trap” it is in—and which austerity alone will only deepen—and to create breathing space for the tough structural reforms that can make Europe as a whole competitive again in a globalized world. To sustain reform, it needs a clear path to legitimacy for the institutions that must govern a federal Europe. The proof that Europe can escape its crisis through a combination of growth, fiscal discipline and structural reform comes from the one country so many want to keep out of the union: Turkey. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan rightfully boasts of Turkey's accomplishments that resulted from the difficult changes carried out after its crisis in 2001—ranging from quickly cleaning up the banks to liberalizing markets to trimming social benefits to make them more affordable in the long run. As a result, Turkey today is the fastest growing economy in the world alongside China with diminished deficit and debt levels that meet the eurozone criteria that many members states themselves cannot today meet. Turkey has even offered a 5 billion euro credit through the IMF for financial aid to Europe. Germany itself also provides some lessons for the rest of Europe. The obvious reason Germany rules today is because it is the most globally competitive country in the European Union. That is the result of a series of reforms that were implemented starting in 2003 under the leadership of then‐chancellor Gerhard Schröder. Aimed a bolstering Germany's industrial base and its collateral small and medium enterprises which are the foundation of its middle class society, those reforms introduced more labor flexibility and trimmed benefits to make them sustainably affordable while investing in training, maintaining skills and research and development. Even if Europe's individual nation states can shrink imbalances by following Turkey and Germany in getting their act together, the only ultimate way to save the euro, and thus Europe itself, is to build the complementary governing institutions at the European level. For those institutions to become effective, they must be empowered and legitimated by European citizens themselves. To this end, Tony Blair has suggested a bold move: the direct election of a European president. Symbolically, the Oslo ceremonies were a historical turning point for Europe. By recognizing the European Union's peace‐making past, the Nobel Prize challenged Europe to escape once and for all the destructive pull of narrow national interests and passions.     

Rising competitive authoritarianism in Turkey

Since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002 Turkey has undergone double regime transitions. First, tutelary democracy ended; second, a competitive authoritarian regime has risen in its stead. We substantiate this assertion with specific and detailed evidence from 2015 election cycles, as well as from broader trends in Turkish politics. This evidence indeed confirms that elections are no longer fair; civil liberties are being systematically violated; and the playing field is highly skewed in favour of the ruling AKP. The June 2015 election results and their aftermath further confirm that Turkey has evolved into a competitive authoritarian regime.