毛泽东维护党中央权威和集中统一领导的探索和启示

毛泽东在实际斗争中逐渐成长为党的领袖，为维护党中央权威和集中统一领导奠定了根本前提。他首次提出“四个服从”、明确提出“看齐”意识、鲜明指出“实行一元化的领导很重要”、高度重视党内团结对维护党中央权威的重要性，确立了维护党中央权威和集中统一领导的基本原则。他领导建立健全了党的一元化领导制度、请示报告制度、党性教育制度、党委制，构筑起维护党中央权威和集中统一领导的制度体系。他的探索留下了“关注现实与着眼长远相结合”“思想教育与制度建设相结合”“抓住重大事件教育全党”“抓住关键少数带动全党”等宝贵经验。他的探索启示我们：“两个确立”是中国共产党百余年奋斗历程最重要的历史结论，“两个维护”是中国共产党的最高政治原则和根本政治规矩；新时代，要建立健全相关制度并强化制度的执行与监督，推动全党进一步坚定拥护“两个确立”，坚决做到“两个维护”。     

有感于郑培民的“清醒”

郑培民在做官、做人、做事上有着许多感人至深、催人向上、值得称道的“清醒”——“要坚守原则，不能感情用事”；“大事不糊涂，‘屁股’上要干净”；“灯红酒绿不迷眼，不义之财不伸手”；“不给别人一点送礼的由头，不让自己有半点腐败的念头”，等等。郑培民能够始终保持共产党人的政治本色和高尚情操，与他几十年如一日、持之以恒地坚守着这一个个“清醒”有很大关系。     

谈谈市场经济条件下的诚实信用原则

谈谈市场经济条件下的诚实信用原则肖红梅诚实信用是我们中华民族的传统美德，也是我们处事做人的一项基本的道德要求。在我国古代书籍中，很早就出现了“诚信”一词。《商君书·靳令》把“诚信”与“礼乐、诗书、修善、孝悌、贞廉、仁义、非兵、羞战”并称为“六虱”。而...     

陈独秀对社会主义认识的变化轨迹——纪念陈独秀诞辰130周年

陈独秀的思想和他的政治命运一样“坎坷”、“曲折”。从一个科举制度下的秀才，成为对封建主义进行猛烈抨击的民主斗士，崇拜西方的“法兰西文明”及其资产阶级民主；不久又因认识到西方民主的虚伪，而予以否定，转而追求社会主义制度及无产阶级民主；到了晚年，从超阶级、超历史的民主观出发，以“斯大林现象”为案例，又觉得资产阶级民主比无产阶级民主更加“具体”、“优越”，他的思想似乎又回到了“五四”时期对“德谟克拉西”的赞颂与肯定。从而也就形成了陈独秀“之”字形的思想轨迹。     

邓小平“三下三上”的启示

1987、1988年邓小平两次谈到他自己是“三落三起”、“三下三上”，坦率地讲述了在他的政治生涯中走过了一条坎坷不平的道路和艰难曲折的经历。邓小平的第一次“下”和“上”，发生在30年代。邓小平的第二次“下”和“上”，发生在60至训年代。邓小平的第三次“下”和“上”，是发生在”文化大革命”的后期。邓小平政治生涯中的“三下三上”，不仅使人们赞叹不已，而且唤起了人们的沉思：是什么原因促成邓小平的“三下三上回？是什么力量在支柱著邓小平凡经沉浮而又百折不挠呢？邓小平的“三下三上”给人们以什么样的启示？邓小平对他政治生…     

关于运用典型示范效应提升企业素质的几点思考

刘兆滨同志是哈尔滨物业热集团道里房产经营公司一名水暖维修工人。多年来，他深怀爱民之心，自备摩托车和服务电话，为千家万户排忧解难1．2万余件次，20年完成了30年的工作量，被誉为“走在时间前面的人”；他干一行、爱一行、钻一行,别人解决不了的问题，他能迎刃而解，被称为技术“大拿”；他诚实守信，无论何时只要用户找到他，     

诚信：当代中国最稀缺的资源

“诚信”资源匮乏给我们经济与社会发展带来的种种负面影响是显而易见的，建设“社会诚信体系”工程已迫在眉睫。要从社会结构功能的互补、制度安排的合理性层面上奠定基础；要建立诚信信息传输系统；要借签发达国家经验；要发挥道德示范作用，培育市民诚信守信的思想品德。     

中央政府内部行政协调的理论和方法

中央政府内部的行政协调是本世纪以来世界各国解决“两难”问题的重要方法之一。其目的在于：贯彻政治意志，执行行政任务；促进行政民主，平衡中央集权；消除部门间的冲突，强化政府首脑的宏观调控能力；避免机构膨胀，提高政府效能；加强内部协调，提高政府决策执行的到位率。为此，行政协调应遵循民主原则、效能原则、整体原则和权威原则。在现实政治生活中，上述目的和原则体现为两大行政协调方法：等级制协调和商议制协调，二者又分别包含有若干具体的协调技术     

Siri是什么

在著名导演斯皮尔伯格的电影《人工智能》中，小男孩“大卫”是一个智能机器人，由于人类打开了他的“情感开关”，他懂得了如何去“爱”。然而，拥有“爱”的机器人无法被机器人和人类接受，     

从“围绕”向“把握”转移

多年来，人们一谈到企业思想政治工作的着力点，总习惯于用“围绕生产经营中小…··”、“围绕……工作”等提法，并以此作为思想政治工作的一项原则加以普遍化。笔者以为，随着社会主义市场经济体制的完善和企业改革的深化，“围绕”的提法力度已明显不足。当前，全面贯彻落实党的十五届四中全会精神，要求思想政治工作牢牢“把握”企业中心工作来进行c“围绕”与“把握”绝不仅仅是词语的差异，它反映了企业思想政治工作在指导原则、定位与着力点上的不同。前者是站在“中心”以外打“增援”，虽然也重要，但离中心总有距离；后者则要求…     

Moderate Machiavelli? Contrasting The Prince with the Arthashastra of Kautilya

Abstract

Max Weber was the first to see that the writings of Machiavelli, when contrasted with the brutal realism of other cultural and political traditions, were not so extreme as they appear to some critics. "Truly radical ‘Machiavellianism,’ in the popular sense of that word," Weber said in his famous lecture "Politics as a Vocation," "is classically expressed in Indian literature in the Arthashastra of Kautilya (written long before the birth of Christ, ostensibly in the time of Chandragupta [Maurya]): compared to it, Machiavelli's The Prince is harmless." In this article, contrast Machiavelli's writings to those of Kautilya (c. 300 B.C.E.) and question why Machiavelli omitted the harsher aspects of political domination such as spies, assassination of enemies, and torture. Could it be that he was afraid to tell a prince about the harsher characteristics of tyrannical rule? If so, why?     

Gramsci, Machiavelli and International Relations

The paper begins by expressing some doubts about how Gramsci has been appropriated by the so-called 'Italian School' of International Relations/International Political Economy (IR/IPE). Particularly questionable is the attempt to 'internationalise' his concepts of 'civil society' and 'hegemony', whose respective meanings are sometimes extended beyond Gramscian usage. Also dubious is the tendency to assume that his conceptual framework supports a counter-discourse within IR/IPE that contradicts the 'realist' mainstream. In his political ideas, Gramsci was as much a child of Machiavelli as of Marx, and he praised the Florentine for developing a progressive or 'transformative' realism in opposition to the conventional type of realism that seeks only to 'manage' the status quo. This interpretation of Gramsci as a kind of realist is defended by highlighting three 'Machiavellian' aspects of his thought: (a) his contempt for abstract ideals of justice or democracy, (b) his hostility to 'vague and purely ideological' (his words) internationalism; and (c) his surprising (for a supposed Marxist) doubts about the prospects for a non-coercive and egalitarian society. In conclusion, it is pointed out that Gramsci helps us to illustrate a tension at the heart of Marxism: that between utopianism and realism. Because of his admiration for Machiavelli, he eventually betrayed second thoughts about Marx's vision of a world without borders or conflict. His idea of transformative realism, rather than his concept of hegemony, should perhaps be seen as his chief contribution to IR/IPE.     

建设廉洁城市的总体框架与基本思路

建设廉洁城市就是将预防腐败的基本要求与城市治理紧密结合,推动城市治理方式转型,建立多元主体共同参与的现代城市治理体系,推动惩治和预防腐败体系建设向纵深发展。牢固树立科学权力观,建立科学的权力结构,形成均衡的社会结构和创新权力制约模式,这是建设廉洁城市的基本任务。转变政府职能,建设有限政府;理顺政府与市场关系,建设廉洁市场;理顺政府与社会关系,建立廉洁社会;理顺政府与公民的关系,扩大有序参与,这是建设廉洁城市的基本路径。加强顶层设计,这是建设廉洁城市的重要保证。     

廉洁城市:反腐倡廉建设目标的一个重要层次

建设廉洁城市的理念与实践是我国反腐倡廉建设取得的新突破,值得肯定。在廉洁城市成为诸多城市决策者设定的重要目标的同时,还应看到廉洁城市建设只是反腐倡廉建设目标的一个重要层次,不可能建成"廉洁孤岛"。廉洁城市建设必然受制于必要的外部法制条件,需要在廉洁政治的顶层目标下,形成廉洁城市促进廉洁政治建设、廉洁政治带动廉洁城市建设的良性互动机制和环境氛围。     

Are economists more selfish than other 'social' scientists?

There is considerable professional disagreement among economists about whether economists are less cooperative than non-economists. It has been argued that once an individual has been schooled in the self-interest model of individual human behavior (s)he exhibits more selfish behavior than other, ostensibly similar individuals who have not been taught to fully appreciate Homo economicus. Heretofore, the empirical debate has centered around classroom experiments designed to compare the “honesty” of undergraduate economics majors versus non economics majors. However, methodological problems have plagued these studies, leaving both sides at an impasse. We offer unique and compelling real-world evidence that suggests economists are no less cooperative than non-economists. Indeed, after comparing the incidence of “cheating” on their Association dues, we find that professional economists are significantly more honest/cooperative than professional political scientists, and especially, professional sociologists.     

儒家廉政思想的现代转化与借鉴意义

儒家廉政思想内涵丰富,主要包括＂廉为政本＂、＂吏为廉先＂、＂廉政为民＂等主张,折射着儒家学者们以礼治国的感悟和政治智慧。当前反腐倡廉建设的思想和理论或多或少地会从儒家廉政思想中挖掘出些许思想渊源与理论基础。＂党风问题关系党的生死存亡＂思想、＂全心全意为人民服务＂的宗旨意识、建立＂惩治、预防与教育、监督并重的预防体系＂、＂以德治国＂思想、＂干部自律＂观念等分别是儒家＂廉为政本＂、＂廉政为民＂、＂道德教化＂、＂为政以德＂、＂修身正己＂等思想的现代转化,对当前反腐倡廉建设具有重要的借鉴意义。因此,弘扬儒家＂道德教化＂理念,加强道德教育,能够引导领导干部树立廉政理念;弘扬儒家＂修身正己＂思想,树立高尚品格,能够培养领导干部优良作风;弘扬儒家＂廉政为民＂思想,坚持以人为本,能够增强领导干部公仆意识。     

Remembering Tony King

Tony King combined scholarship with a real‐world grasp that few could match. This was evident both in his public activities and in his published work. His studies of legislatures and of career politicians changed the way in which issues were viewed and he was skilled at identifying emerging trends before anyone else. He analysed the failings of government, but always as a practical improver. He was a natural communicator in the Bagehot tradition, as evidenced in his writings on the constitution, and he wanted a less adversarial political culture. He showed political scientists that it was possible to combine good scholarship with an ability to communicate.     

王船山廉政思想述略

王船山在分析封建官吏腐败原因的同时,提出了“省官以清吏治,增俸以责官廉”的主张,提出反腐倡廉要抓住问题的关键,即严惩上官,主张设立谏官,建立完善的监督机制。王船山的廉政思想对于我们今天的廉政建设,仍有着深刻的启迪作用。     

试论党风廉政建设的基本经验

本文认真总结了我们党八十多年来党风廉政建设的基本经验,认为应从社会主义事业兴衰成败的战略高度重视党风廉政建设,充分认识党风廉政建设的重要性,警惕和预防腐败现象的发生,通过切实可行的办法遏制腐败现象的滋长蔓延,对于新形势下坚持从严治党,加强和改进党的作风建设具有重要的借鉴意义。     

“清官政治诉求”的学理分析

关于“清官政治诉求”的核心,目前学界并无定论。大致有两种意见,一种认为是“忠君”,一种认为是“逆君”。“忠君说”认为“清官政治诉求”虽然是一个“孝亲-忠君-爱民”三位一体的结构,但其核心仍然是“忠君”;“逆君说”则认为“清官政治诉求”的核心是在君之上安置一个“理”,这个“理”是逆君的,而不是顺君的。牺牲一切现实利益,以致以牺牲生命来捍卫此“理”,捍卫此“道统”,正是“清官”的本义所在,正是“清官政治诉求”之根本落脚点。在此意义上说,“清官”在中国政治“天-君-民”的三极循环中,正是“天”一极的代表与象征。本文认同“逆君说”,并扼要分析了“清官政治诉求”在中国长盛不衰的原因及其现实基础与精神价值。