新时代我国民族事务治理现代化水平的提升

我国作为统一的多民族国家,推进民族事务治理体系及治理能力的现代化,不断提升民族事务治理的现代化水平是推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的必然要求。新时代,提升我国民族事务治理现代化水平,关键在于建构包括基本国情认知、中华民族共同体整体认知和党的民族理论政策整体认知在内的多维认知体系,不断提升我国民族事务治理的科学化水平;完善民族事务治理领导体制和党委领导、政府负责、相关部门协同配合、全社会通力合作的工作机制,不断提升我国民族事务治理的制度化水平;完善包括完备的民族法律规范体系、高效的民族法治实施体系,严密的民族法治监督体系和有力的民族法治保障体系在内的民族事务治理法治体系,不断提升我国民族事务治理的法治化水平。     

Xi Jinping’s ‘Big Power Diplomacy’ and China’s Central National Security Commission (CNSC)

The current Chinese foreign and national security system suffers from problems of inefficiency, a lack of coordination and information sharing, and accountability of decision makers. China’s newly established Central National Security Commission (CNSC) is designed to build a strong platform to coordinate national security work and to strengthen unified leadership of national security at the central level. This article examines the CNSC’s foreign policy and institutional rationales. It argues that the establishment of the CNSC must be viewed in light of China’s growing power and Xi’s aspiration to play ‘big power diplomacy’ in world affairs as well as his ambition for overall institutional reforms of foreign and national security policymaking in China.     

新时代坚持党的领导的实践逻辑

中国共产党的领导是中国特色社会主义最本质的特征和最大的政治优势。坚持党的领导是中国共产党百年奋斗历史经验的深刻总结,是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必然要求。学习党的十九届六中全会精神,必须深入理解和准确把握新时代坚持党的领导的实践逻辑,即为什么要坚持党的领导以及如何坚持党的领导的重大问题。新时代的中国共产党人必须明确坚持党的领导不仅是百年来中华民族取得伟大成就的根本原因,也是新征程上奋力实现中华民族伟大复兴宏伟目标的政治保证;坚持党的领导要求在实践中必须坚决维护党中央权威和集中统一领导、自觉遵守党的组织纪律和政治纪律、贯彻落实党的群众路线、勇于开展党的自我革命以及持续推进全面依法治国等,以切实增强贯彻落实坚持党的领导的思想自觉和行动自觉。     

从中国共产党百年历史看加强政治建设的内在逻辑

中国共产党是社会主义中国的领导核心,是中国政治体系的核心特征和显著优势,是实现中华民族伟大复兴的根本保障。党的十九大在党的建设方面最具开拓性的贡献,是第一次把党的政治建设纳入党的建设总体布局,突出新时代党的建设要以党的政治建设为统领。我们不仅要把政治建设看作党建理论和实践的重大突破,更要把它作为党建重大课题的破题和任务的开启。要深刻理解和把握党的政治建设的深刻内涵和重大实践意义。从理性逻辑上看,中国共产党强调政治建设遵循了现代政党建设的一般规律和要求;从历史逻辑上看,中国共产党强调的政治建设是总结国际共产主义运动和中国共产党百年历史经验教训所得出的基本结论;从现实逻辑上看,中国共产党强调的政治建设是推进党的自身建设和实现中华民族伟大复兴的要求。     

Plural institutionalism and the emergence of intellectual public spaces in contemporary China: Four relational patterns and four organizational forms

This article discusses the relationship between intellectuals and the party‐state in 1980s China. By drawing insights from the new institutionalism, the author proposes a new theoretical model, which is called ‘plural institutionalism’, as an alternative to the conceptual schema of ‘civil society against the state’ currently prevalent in the related literature. To examine the explanative power of the new model, an empirical study of the activities of four groups, which represented the four organizational forms of Chinese intellectual public spaces in the 1980s, is presented. The shaping influence of historically evolving institutional configuration upon different actors’ political preferences is highlighted to explain the diversity of the relational patterns between intellectuals and the party‐state. In the final part, the analysis centers on the institutional channels that linked intellectuals and students, and reveals the role of the institutional factors in shaping intellectuals’ political preferences, choices, and actions in the Tiananmen Movement of 1989, giving an explanation of why Chinese intellectuals failed to prevent the student's movement from its tragic radicalization.     

中国特色传媒体制:历史沿革与发展完善

传媒体制是涉及政党、政府、社会与媒体关系的根本性制度安排。本文回顾了我国传媒体制建立、改革和发展的历史,分析不同时期我国传媒体制的特点,认为经过改革开放30多年的探索,我国传媒体制已形成包括领导体制、管理体制、职能体制、经营体制、社会体制等多层次、多方面的制度体系。本文提出,在新形势下推进传媒体制创新,必须着眼于掌握媒体这一执政资源,促进媒体繁荣发展,从我国传媒业的发展历程来把握传媒体制的发展方向,从改革开放特别是党的十六大以来我国传媒改革发展的经验中获得启示,不断深化对党管媒体的理解,丰富领导和管理媒体的途径、办法,大力拓展媒体发展空间,形成有利于激发媒体积极性创造性的体制环境。     

The Limits of the Arbitrariness in Anticorruption by China’s Local Party Discipline Inspection Committees

Based on interviews in local commissions of China’s Party discipline inspection (CDIs), this article investigates the effectiveness, internal limits and selectiveness of CDIs in the anticorruption campaign. It uses a micro-level analysis to explore the role of law in affecting the CDIs’ anticorruption work and concludes that local CDIs remain heavily affected by the same-level local governments, but are effective in combating local corruption due to recent reforms that have strengthened higher-level CDIs’ control over lower-level CDIs. The current internal decision-making systems of the CDIs make their anticorruption work heavily dependent upon the central leadership. Their work is still not institutionalized and relies heavily on higher-level intervention. Nevertheless, law played a crucial role by providing the bottom lines to set the decision-making standards at different stages. Legal reforms should aim to further clarify and lift these baseline standards.     

Managing Government Integrity under Hierarchy: anti-corruption efforts in local China

In contrast to the early campaign style anti-corruption strategy based on nationwide uniformity, disparate local integrity initiatives and programs have proliferated in China in recent years. Local innovation in managing government integrity has been encouraged by the Center. Drawing on the author's fieldwork in Guangdong, this article investigates the rationale behind such development and addresses the question of why the central leadership has become receptive to local initiatives in cadre management, an area where political conformity was deemed necessary by an authoritarian regime. It suggests that the strategic adjustment testifies to the institutional failure of the earlier anti-corruption regime that manifested in, inter alia, an acute agency loss problem. The emerging approach to integrity management nevertheless has paradoxical institutional roots. It indicates some new thinking by the central authorities on holding local governments responsible for integrity management. Just as clearly, the adjustment is also driven by the Center's concern about losing control and its desire to ‘manage’ government integrity under hierarchy.     

代替行政:事业单位、社会组织与政府职能转变

随着政府职能转变的进一步深入,事业单位和社会组织越来越多地承担了以前由政府部门承担的职能,成为政府职能的替代性力量。这有利于建立一个职能优化、效率突出的政府。但是由于政府下属或主管的事业单位和社会组织对政府的依赖关系,使政府将大量事务性的工作交给事业单位和社会组织完成,政府还可以通过事业单位和社会组织行使应该转变和精简的职能,使政府本该转变和精简的职能实质上仍然保留在政府手中,导致政府职能转变的停滞和失败。因此,事业单位改革、社会组织管理体制改革与政府机构改革应该统筹协调,同步推进。     

新时代制度治党:逻辑、主题与创新

新时代制度治党作为政党治理的核心手段,在推动全面从严治党的建设总目标中具有重要作用。新时代制度治党的提出符合马克思主义政党观发展的理论逻辑、历史逻辑与实践逻辑,从理论的高度回应了制度治党"靠什么治""治什么""如何治"三个核心问题,对提升政党治理效能具有核心作用。新时代制度治党思想具有开创性价值,集中体现于从价值、文化和制度三个视角梳理和创新了治党的手段,既明确了政党治理的逻辑理路,又回应了制度治党与依法治国协同发展的重要价值,是推进全面从严治党、坚持以人民为中心的必然选择。     

增强民主党派民主监督的有效性研究

民主党派民主监督是中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度的一项基本功能,是民主党派政党价值和政治生命的重要体现.在当代中国政治系统和社会生态相互作用的复杂关系中,影响民主党派民主监督有效性的因素众多,其中,制约民主党派民主监督有效性的体制机制、主体客体、法律保障等问题较为突出.对此,必须从多党合作制度建设的现实需要出发,探索解决制约民主党派民主监督有效性的一系列问题,积极开辟民主党派民主监督有效性的实现路径.     

党的领导制度引领国家治理现代化的路径分析

新中国成立以来,我国逐步形成了以党的全面领导为核心的国家治理新模式。坚持和完善党的领导制度,有利于优化国家治理结构、提升国家治理能力、协调国家治理关系,是适应历史发展、坚持理论创新及顺应改革实践的必然选择。从治理主体、治理关系、治理模式三个维度入手,突出党的核心地位,优化党政职能结构,健全运行体制机制,是加快制度优势向治理效能转化、引领国家治理现代化稳步前行的现实路径。     

抗战时期国民政府侨团政策探究

抗战爆发后,国民政府为争取更大的社会资源,更好地利用海外侨社的力量,迅速调整侨务政策,包括侨团政策在内。除了继续进行海外侨团登记外,还积极地整合侨团,要求党员渗透入侨团组织,掌握侨团领导权,同时也赋予侨团更大的权力,且更为突出的手段则是积极拉拢侨领,通过侨领来控制侨团,从而达到控制侨社的目的。从政策绩效角度而言,国民政府的侨团政策取得一定的成绩,但由于将党务纳入侨务的做法,也加剧了海外侨社的矛盾,致成海外侨社陷入党内纠纷。     

Looking for ‘New Ideas That Work’: county innovation in China’s health system reforms—the case of the New Cooperative Medical Scheme

Sub-national governments in China have substantial responsibility for policy development as well as for direct implementation of circumscribed policy options set out by higher levels of government, and much policy discourse emphasizes the importance of sub-national flexibility and creativity in policy implementation. Discourses of government innovation aim to encourage local initiative in policy formulation and solving of systemically-important policy problems, and policy experimentation/innovation are increasingly credited as important elements of the Chinese government toolbox in managing reform. Recent studies have tended to treat experimentation/innovation as systemic phenomena, and there are few analyses of how local governments respond to central ‘experimental’ policy frameworks and develop locally- or systemically-useful policy solutions. Given concerns around the capacity of local governments, this is highly relevant in understanding how locally-generated policy relates to systemic reform. The article presents a case study of a low tech and ‘second best’ reimbursement mechanism developed sub-nationally under the New Cooperative Medical Scheme, China’s rural health insurance framework, and its spread and incorporation into national policy. It argues for the importance of local government development of ‘appropriate’ policy mechanisms (jizhi) as underpinning central reforms and system adaptation.     

Fiscal Federalism: a refined theory and its application in the Chinese context

China's central–local relations have been marked by perpetual changes amidst economic restructuring. Fiscal decentralization on the expenditure side has been paralleled by centralization on the revenue side, accompanied by political centralization. Hence, our understanding of China's fiscal relations is not without controversy. This paper aims to make a theoretical contribution to the ongoing debate on ‘fiscal federalism’ by addressing crucial questions regarding China's central–local fiscal relations: first, to what extent do Chinese central–local fiscal relations conform to fiscal federalism in the Western literature? Second, are there any problems with existing principles of fiscal federalism and, if so, how to refine them? Third, how are refined principles relevant to the Chinese case and what policies should the Chinese government pursue in the future? Based on an in-depth and critical review of the theories on fiscal federalism, we develop a refined prototype of fiscal federalism. The model shows that quasi-traditional fiscal federalism is a much closer reality in China, while we argue that the refined fiscal federalism should be the direction of future reform in China.     

China's post‐1979 uneven regional policy: Shanghai and Guangdong

This article examines the effects of China's uneven regional development policy, especially in relation to Shanghai. It analyses the evolving role of Shanghai and the constraints that it has operated under during the reform period. Discussion will be particularly devoted to the areas such as the fiscal transfer, central investment in the municipality, the tax and other incentive program allowed to increase the inflows of foreign direct investment by adopting a series of comparisons with Guangdong province. The article argues that it is not economically efficient for China to ‘open its door’ by creating new cities in its southern area while neglecting to improve existing facilities in Shanghai and other advanced cities. This article also suggests that social‐economic institutional change is the same important source of Shanghai's difficulty in keeping pace with Guangdong as the preferential treatment given to Guangdong by the central government in the 1980s.     

百年回眸:中国共产党榜样文化建设的历史演进与经验启示

选树典型与弘扬榜样是中国共产党一以贯之的优良传统和政治优势。伴随着党的百年历史,榜样文化建设历经革命、建设和改革的时代变迁,为党和国家的中心任务发挥了凝心聚力的最大效能。党的榜样文化建设在百年历程中积累了丰富而宝贵的经验,主要体现在以坚持群众榜样文化路线为基本原则,以围绕党的中心工作为基本遵循,以塑造政党形象为功能旨向。百年榜样文化的历史经验启示我们在新时代历史方位下,要进一步建构榜样文化精神谱系,创新榜样文化传播机制,完善榜样文化制度体系。     

新型政党制度的政治功能及其治理优势——基于中国民主政治内在规定性的分析

国家权力来自人民是现代民主政治的核心理念。如何实现人民的选择,保障人民权利成为民主政治发展的重大关切。中国民主政治类属于人民民主,其价值理念与历史实践内在赋予了执政党以领导核心地位,并要求以民主集中制为组织原则,实现广泛、真实的民主。中国新型政党制度作为中国民主政治的一项基本制度安排,在利益代表、政治参与和民主监督等政治功能方面与民主政治的规定性要素相契合,并在实践过程中体现出政治平衡、政治稳定、政治整合的显著治理优势,为社会主义民主政治发展与国家治理体系和治理能力现代化建设奠定稳固基础。     

Evolvement of Citizenship in Urban China or Authoritarian Communitarianism? Neighborhood development,community participation,and autonomy

Frequently, civil society is identified with an increase of associational life. Yet, in this article it is argued that the emerging of citizens and citizenship is a vital precondition for developing a civil society. Here I will focus on a concept of citizenship grounded in a local context. Accordingly, it focuses on both the public discourse on citizenship and the institutional effects with regard to citizenship generated by the establishment of urban neighborhood communities and the enhancement of participation. The author's hypothesis is that by virtue of newly established neighborhood communities in urban areas, a gradual transition from ‘masses’ to citizens seems to manifest itself. This transition process will be examined in four central fields: (a) community participation and grassroots elections; (b) self-administration (autonomy) and the attitudes of residents thereto; (c) the growth of individual autonomy; and (d) value engineering by the party state. As the institutional preconditions for a civil society in China are widely lacking, the party-state conceives its role in initiating them. It is precisely the combination of the top-down establishing of neighborhood communities and grassroots elections, mobilized participation and volunteers, which gives evidence of the party-state's intention to generate structures of an (illiberal and controlled) civil society. Citizen status has not yet been fully achieved in China; yet the state-led activation in urban neighborhood communities shows that the political leadership has decided to chart this course. Finally the article classifies the concept of neighborhood communities as a model of ‘authoritarian communitarianism’.     

Identity,Sovereignty, and Economic Penetration: Beijing's responses to offshore Chinese democracies

Investigating how the PRC responds to democratization in Taiwan and Hong Kong, this paper argues that the Chinese Communist leadership has mainly developed three strategies in managing the complicated crises, including Beijing's own legitimacy crisis and the integration crisis of the Chinese nation, caused by the rise of offshore Chinese democracies. These strategies are: identity politics, sovereignty politics, and economic penetration. With ‘identity politics’, Beijing identifies ‘identification with the Communist leadership’ as the sole Chinese national identification, and utilizes the nationalistic passions of mainland and even overseas Chinese people against democrats in Taiwan and Hong Kong, by labeling the latter as ‘separatists’ or ‘national traitors’. Further, Beijing defines ‘sovereignty’ in a way in which the ‘central’ government monopolizes all possessions of the nation, and excludes ‘people's sovereignty’ from the politics of national reunification or the ‘one country, two systems’ model actualization. While appealing to both ‘soft power’ based in ‘patriotic nationalism’ and ‘hard power’ embedded in national sovereignty, however, the Chinese regime also mobilizes business resources and opportunities provided by China's growing economic power and China's dominance in Greater Chian economic integration for its political purposes of curbing offshore Chinese democracies.