吃美食?吃中食?

平时大家都忙得很，几乎没有时间聚在一起。可每个入天天都要查看“电子信箱”，因为中国人圈子里的新闻和广告都从这里传出来。有一天，一个叫江达的留学生向大家发了这样一条消息：“在教学楼的大厅里吃气味强烈的午饭，仿佛不是我们中华民族的传统吧？我记得在国内上大学时，教室和食堂也是分开的！你要是使美国人觉得中餐到处都是，岂不使本来就廉价的中餐馆更显得廉价？在公共场所吃气味强烈的中国饭并不是我们的传统！我们没有如此丑陋的传统！花一美元，买一块比萨，一杯咖啡，又能贵到哪里去？”第二天，“电子信箱”里就挤满了三条…     

纽约,天堂乎?地狱乎?

一对老夫妇,飘洋过海来到纽约,为找份工作四处奔波,尝尽了酸甜苦辣。本文是他们在纽约的亲身经历,由此可见美国社会一斑。     

What's this?我死,你死?

长途客车的后排座上,阴郁的母亲正呵斥着她那稚嫩的女儿. "这么简单的英语为什么还是背不下来,再给我背一遍!"声音低沉而阴郁,好在她还知道这是公共场合.即便如此,那车厢后半部分的乘客已经在这不和谐的气氛中变得局促不安起来. 她四岁左右的女儿噤若寒蝉,最终还是低着声音吞吞吐吐地说了出来:"what's……this…… "记住啊!我死你死!就这么念!"     

Wither CIS?

At the turn of the century, when big powers are readjusting their relations, ana-lysts are interested in what role the Commonwealth of Independent States(CIS) will play in an unfolding multipolar world in the forthcoming 21st century.For the moment, however, their attention is focused on the future of the CISitself, an organization committed to integration, yet still plagued with a tortuous     

美元化的多米诺骨牌?

两年前 ,我曾经跟人打了一个“赌”:1 5年以后世界的货币种类将从目前的一百七八十种减少到 1 0种以下。旁观者多以诧异的眼光看着我 ,似乎觉得我是在“痴人说梦”。他们脸上的表情除了写满疑问之外 ,还搀杂些许嘲笑。其实我也知道 ,做出这样的预言要冒很大的风险 ,因为更保险的做法是 ,要么预测时间 ,要么预测事件。二择其一的好处在于 ,预测者总能够立于不败之地 ,可那样一来 ,你也就丧失了一次检验自己判断能力的机会。虽然我们打的“赌”并未涉及金钱物品 ,但鉴于其输赢关乎一位经济学家的判断力和理论功底的声誉 ,因此我还是相当认真的…     

Democracy through War?

This article brings together three strands of democracy research which have thus far seldom been informed by one another: the empirical research associated with the ‘democratic peace’ thesis, the juridical-normative questions of legality, and moral-philosophical reasoning about just war. Linking the statistical analysis of the democratic peace to the findings of comparative research on democratization and to the normative debates occurring in law and philosophy on just and legitimized wars, there is an inescapable conclusion that: jus ad bellum and jus post bellum criteria must be closely tied. The protection of people threatened by mass murder and brutal violations of human rights requires not only a short-term military intervention, but also the intensive support to establish sustainable rule of law and democracy. External actors intervening for humanitarian reasons equally have a duty to contribute to long-term sustainable state- and democracy-building. Forced regime change and an international trusteeship protectorate can become legitimate and necessary means to guarantee justice after war and to reconcile jus ad bellum principles with duties post bellum. A premature withdrawal of intervening forces, for example in Afghanistan or in Iraq, would amount to a flagrant violation of external actors' post-war duties.     

拉丁美洲将何去何从?

对拉丁美洲而言,中国一跃成为世界市场的主要参与者,至少在三个层面上具有同等重要的意义:因经济增长而在政策上提供可借鉴的经验,拥有13亿消费人口且具有廉价商品和服务市场,是拉美在主要市场上的强大竞争对手。对拉美各国的政策制定者来说,他们面临的挑战在于如何化解这些矛盾,制定有效的对策。作为成功经验的中国在两次世界大战期间和第二次世界大战之后,拉美曾是世界范围内最具活力的地区之一,被认为已进入摆脱不发达、迈向工业化的轨道。而此时一些东亚国家却饱受战火的蹂躏或在国家被占、政局纷扰下苦苦挣扎。一些亚洲国家甚至把拉美…     

金三角告别毒品?

今年1月中旬,缅甸政府开展大规模村寨迁移活动,将1.5万名以种植罂粟为生的村民迁往他乡,以消除境内毒品的生产。     

塔利班为何卷土重来?

塔利班剿而不灭、卷土重来已成事实。阿富汗民心所向的变化、美国政策的失误、美国可支配力量的分散和限度、阿富汗地形的复杂、阿中央政府的软弱和贪腐以及巴基斯坦国内部分势力对其暗中支持,都是造成这一局面的原因。面对严峻的现实,塔利班和美国都不会退让,卡尔扎伊通过谈判求和平的策略成功希望也似乎不大。     

日本核武装?

今年初以来,美国主张“容忍日本核武装”的言论不绝于耳。先有《华盛顿邮报》刊登的“日本牌”一文,明确主张以容忍日本核武装向中国施压:“如果中国不加入(对朝)包围网,美国应该支持日本持有自己的核威慑力量”;①后有美国前国防部长科恩访日时向日本执政党议员发问:“如果置之不理,朝鲜年内就可制造出6—8枚核武器,日本将如何反应?是配备弹道导弹防御系统,还是进行核武装?”②这些言论出现于美国自有朝核问题因素在     

洋习俗潜入中国——喜耶?忧耶?

中国打开了封闭已久的大门,随着外国先进科学技术的引进,洋习俗也随之潜入中国。从宗教信仰、审美观念到衣食住行等各领域,无不或多或少受西风所染,中国人不知不觉地改变原有的习惯和观念。五千年恪守传统习俗的中国发生着不易察觉的巨大变化。     

Why the Miracle?

In stark contrast to some Third World countries where West-imposed democ-ratization triggered chaos, conflict and even civil war, the four-year demo-cratic transition in South Africa-begun with Nelson Mandela's release in Febu-rary 1990 and realized in the peaceful transfer of power through an all-race generalelection in April 1994-had been characterized by a combination of freedom strug-     

Certified or branded?

While often considered a purely financial institution, the IMF has throughout its history performed non-financial services for its membership. The latest example is the Policy Support Instrument (PSI), a certification mechanism established in 2005 for which only poor members are eligible. Based on a formal game-theoretic model, I argue that it is unlikely that the PSI will serve well the intention of facilitating capital market access for members requesting the service. Their low income, the lack of significant consequences for markets, the IMF’s traditional reluctance to criticize members, as well as the need to promote the use of the new arrangement indicate that the Fund could emphasize participants’ welfare over the interests of private lenders. The continued importance of foreign aid in eligible countries also puts the IMF in the role of gatekeeping such flows, which might conflict with sending clear signals to commercial actors. All these reasons imply that in many cases its seal of approval will be of little use to third-parties, despite the high standards to which PSI-countries are supposed to adhere. The best argument in favor of the PSI being a useful addition to the Fund’s tool kit for low-income members is the fact that several countries have already signed a second one.     

WHITHER ARMS CONTROL?

International arms control and disarmament has recorded remarkable achieve-ments in recent years in the wake of rapproachment among major powers andoverall detente in the world at large. These remarkable achievements, in theirturn, have propelled the global situation further in the direction favorable to furtherrelaxation of global tension. These mutually reinforcing and supplementary trends,     

Unilateralism or Multilateralism?

Ever since the Bush administration took office, the U. S. national security strategy has given rise to much controversy. Whether the U. S. national security strategy is of unilateralism or multilateralistm is a question in dispute. Many people think it is a unilateralist strategy. According to their views, to achieve its own objective, the U. S. administration has rarely considered the interests and feelings of other coun-     

Miracle or Mirage?

Common sense teaches that it is extremely difficult to modernize 1.2 billionpeople under any social system.Conceivably,formidable trials confront Chi-na in its march toward modernity,an unfinished dream that has captured theminds and hearts of the nation for well over a century.China must feed four timesthe population of the United States on 60 percent of the cultivated acreage of thateconomic superpower.No overnight modernization is realistic.Professor NicholasLardy of the University of Washington,Seattle,writes in International Economic     

苏联为什么解体?

20 0 3年 9月 2 0日 ,中国社会科学院赴俄访问团与俄罗斯著名历史学家罗伊·麦德维杰夫进行了座谈。麦将他最近完成的一篇论文《苏联为什么解体 ?》交给中国客人并希望在中国发表。这篇论文共分九个部分 ,前四部分的题目是 :《几点预先的想法》、《反俄罗斯的民族主义》、《俄罗斯的分立主义》、《冷战和西方的压力》。因篇幅所限 ,这里发表该文的第五至第九部分。     

人类将自毁?

皮尔逊认为,由于对人类的思想可以在一个全球电脑网络之内继续存在深信不疑,人类可能会选择自我生物灭绝的道路.“生物人最终将会绝种,”这是他的结论.不过,美国普林斯顿大学生物学家李·西尔弗斯却认为,人类不会选择自我灭绝,相反,基因经过改良的人类将逐步进化为一个新的超级民族.现今的科学家普遍预期到2015年,电脑的智力将会超过人类.科学家说,为免输给电脑,人类将需要把微处理器直接植入大脑,提供一个可以在问     

Japanese political studies: where are we? How did we get here? Where are we going?

Abstract

We offer a historically grounded analysis of major works in the study of Japanese politics with a focus on the period since the Second World War. The article traces an evolution from early assessments of Japanese democracy and modernization through the focus on the political economy of high growth to the current disciplinary-based emphasis on narrower but more empirically defensible research. We close with a call for future research to take greater risks at synthetic analyses of Japanese politics broadly considered.