论我国基础教育阶段的学校公民教育

一个国家公民素质的高低反映其民主与文明的程度高低,高素质的公民是推动民主社会发展的重要因素,所以,培养高素质的公民是重要的国策。公民素质的提高,一方面有赖于公民社会的制度建设,另一方面有赖于各级各类学校具体的公民教育的实施。我国学校公民教育比较薄弱,不适应民主与法制社会的发展,发展我国学校公民教育势在必行。     

浅析我国学校公民教育存在的问题及其对策

学校公民教育就是学校通过设置基本的课程和举办相关的活动,使受教育者形成健全的人格、良好的心理品质和强烈的法律意识的一种教育。在我国,随着时代的发展和社会的进步,学校公民教育无论是在教学内容、教学目标还是教学方法和教学途径上都不能满足时代的需求,这些给学校公民教育带来了前所未有的挑战,同时也给它带来了发展和完善的机遇。因此,我们必须深入我国学校公民教育的各个方面,探索其存在的问题,并且找出相应的解决策略,为受教育者走向社会、适应社会和回馈社会奠定坚实的基础,使之成为合格的社会公民。     

当代美国学校价值观教育探析

在西方国家中,通常没有德育的概念,而是代之以公民教育。美国的公民教育中,价值观教育是特别重要的环节。在当代美国的公民教育中,把个人主义作为价值观教育的灵魂和根基,以公民的权利和义务为纽带,以实现个体人为最终目标。当前,虽然美国学校的价值观教育依然隐藏着浓厚的资本主义意识形态教育的色彩,也不具有普适性,但是美国学校的价值观教育依然有可取之处,对于我国的价值观教育也有一定的借鉴作用。     

美国价值观教育对我国核心价值观教育的启示

核心价值观教育关乎一个国家和民族的命运,是一个民族和国家前进的动力和方向标。美国历来重视本国的价值观教育,并且在多年实践的基础上,形成了横向、纵向两个维度,贯穿整个人的发展,并紧密结合家庭、学校、社会的一套极为有效的教育教学模式,成功解决了多民族国家实现价值认同的问题。尽管国情世情不同,美国的价值观与社会主义核心价值观也根本不同,但其成功的模式,仍值得借鉴。     

尼日利亚公民教育的理论与实践

尼日利亚中小学实施问题导向式的公民教育后,取得了积极的效果,培养了儿童的适应能力,使儿童形成了正确的价值观,形成了对他人、对多元文化、对历史的理解力。同时,尼日利亚公民教育的实施也受到了政治、家长、教师、学校资源等各方面的干扰与限制。尼日利亚中小学公民教育的理论与实践,对于我国推行公民教育,具有一定的借鉴意义。     

校务公开评估工作要注重“四性”

上海市松江区教育系统全面推行校务公开已有5年多。为进一步搞好学校民主管理,自2003年起,区教育系统实施校务公开评估制度,两年多来已取得一定成效。目前,全系统校务公开率100%,教代会制度健全率100%,校务公开评估制度实施率100%,促进了学校民主管理和民主政治建设,调动了广大教职员工的积极性和创造性。在实施校务公开评估制度中,区教育工会注重“四性”。一、评估内容注重针对性(一)针对教工普遍关心的教改热点进行评估。例如学校发展规划、重大建设项目、干部民主评议、干部竞聘上岗、招生收费等。(二)针对与教工切身利益相关的难点进行…     

学校与社区教育资源共享的探索

建立符合实际的社区教育运行机制和管理模式,强化和完善社区教育服务功能,构建与经济社会发展相适应的社区教育体系,促进学习型社会的形成,是发展社区教育的必然要求。而学校与其所属的社区能有效地互动,相互提供资源,实施资源共享是完善教育功能的一条十分有效的途径。实现学校与社区双向开放、双向参与、双向服务、双向受益,在社区大力支持教育的同时,学校凭借人才、知识、信息等优1势发挥对社区的辐射功能,实现学校与社区教育共同发展。     

浅议高职院校学分基准点与对接模块构成

高职高专院校在实施和完善学分制的基础上,发挥职教集团优势,建立与其他教育的对接。通过实行不同类型学习成果的认证、评估与转换系统逐步实现各类教育形式的纵向沟通、横向衔接,为构建"学分银行"做好基础模块建设工作。     

出国留学慎选新办私立学校

教育部日前通过教育部教育涉外监管信息网(www.jsj.edu.cn)和中国留学网(www.cscse.edu.cn),公布了33个中国公民主要留学国家一万多所学校名单,基本涵盖了中国公民主要留学目的地国的正规高等学校。此次主要是更新了马来西亚等国家的学校名单。教育部有关负责人指出,近年来中国自费出国留学人数增多,中外教育机构之间的合作日趋频繁,总体形势很     

机制设计理论与城乡教育一体化建设

机制设计理论的信息效率与激励相容原则可以运用到城乡教育一体化建设当中。城乡教育一体化制度建设横向关系的处理需要协调国家、社会、个人等方面的利益,建立健全多层次的利益表达机制、补偿机制和监督约束机制等;各级政府之间纵向关系的处理同样需要遵循激励相容约束原则,建立有效的激励机制和监督问责机制,从内在动力与外在约束两个方面规范政府的行为。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.