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1.
政策执行中的"一刀切",本质是上级为了纠正下级执行偏离而采取的一种策略.与下级的执行偏离相对应",一刀切"主要包括明确标准、确定结果、新增标准和停止执行等四种做法.政策执行中的"一刀切"建立在那些能够揭示下级偏离行为的信号机制的基础上,其存留也取决于信号的去留.  相似文献   

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绩效评估政策执行是政府公共权力与资源配置的协同要义,以整体性治理为切入点实施政府绩效评估系统偏差的政策控制是评估政策执行过程的核心命题。协同机制是消解地方政府之间过度化竞争的逻辑前提,整合机制是破除政府治理"职责同构"层级绩效分割效应的规范要求,绩效评估结果偏差的控制路向体现整合机制与协调机制的双重契合。建构绩效评估系统偏差政策控制的整体性治理框架,充分信任与合作是绩效评估系统偏差的政策协调的价值前提,基于合理"空间"布局实现绩效评估治理府际间政策网络的协同优化,建构政府间一体化的信息资源共享与数据交换系统。  相似文献   

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地方政府间跨域治理碎片化:问题、根源与解决路径   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
《行政论坛》2018,(1):74-80
地方政府间跨域治理碎片化不但无法适应跨域公共事务治理要求,而且增加跨域公共事务治理成本、降低跨域公共事务治理绩效,同时也是引发跨域公共问题发生的重要因素。行政区行政、地方利益之争以及地方官员理念的碎片化都是造成地方政府间跨域治理碎片化产生的重要根源,导致跨域治理中地方主义、各自为战、分割管理、服务裂解等弊端。整体性治理正是针对政府管理实践中日益严重的碎片化问题而提出的一种新型治理模式,因而从价值导向、组织机构、制度体系、协调机制等方面构建跨域整体性治理模式就成为解决地方政府间跨域治理碎片化的有效路径。  相似文献   

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《行政论坛》2022,(1):87-93
大数据对社会生产生活的各个方面产生了巨大的影响,政府、企业、民众都在大数据浪潮中享受其带来的裨益,但是大数据在带来便捷的同时,也带来了挑战。在基层政务服务中数据碎片化现象尤为突出,具体表现为基层政务服务的数据烟囱化、数据丛林化和数据鸿沟化。促进基层政务服务数据从碎片化向整体性转化的数字治理工具主要有三种,即块数据、区块链和主权区块链。治理基层政务服务数据碎片化的具体路径在于:以基层政务服务数据系统化来治理数据烟囱,以基层政务服务数据集成化来治理数据丛林,以基层政务服务数据信息化来治理数据鸿沟,从而实现基层政务服务数据从碎片化到整体性的治理。  相似文献   

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为摆脱湘江流域边治理边污染的困境,湖南省委省政府加大了流域内同防同治的力度,也收到了一定的成效。但就整体而言,湘江流域地方政府间的合作治理在治理理念、权力分配、组织权威、激励机制等方面存在碎片化倾向,合作治理难以取得实质性效果。整体性治理理论在价值取向、治理结构、运行机制与治理方式等方面与湘江流域合作治理中地方政府关系的协调具有内在耦合性。破除湘江流域地方政府合作中的碎片化现状,需要积极借鉴整体性治理的核心思想,重塑整体协同的治理理念、搭建扁平网络的治理结构、建立垂直统一的治理体制、构建协调整合的治理机制,从而促进湘江流域合作治理从碎片化到走向整体性。  相似文献   

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随着区域一体化的推进,我国区域地方政府在跨界公共事务协作方面遇到了诸多问题,这些问题影响了区域政策的实际执行力。通过对改革开放以来京津冀都市圈地方政府跨界公共事务协作进程及其运转机制的分析与评估,发现其虽在跨界公共事务整体性协作方面进行了一些初步探索,但区域治理中的"碎片化"状况仍未得到有效缓解。因此,必须构建京津冀都市圈跨界公共事务整体性治理模式,以推进区域内地方政府的有效协作。运用整体性治理理论,推进都市圈内各个地方政府自身行政管理体系的整合,构建跨区域整体性合作组织以及在此基础上形成的整体性协作治理网络是区域地方政府跨界公共事务治理的一种有益尝试。  相似文献   

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农业是"安天下、稳民心"的战略性、基础性产业,更是"产村相融"的美丽乡村建设的支撑和载体.农业是自然再生产过程与社会再生产过程结合的有机整体",两种生产"孕育了尊重自然和顺应自然的农业文明和农耕文化.改革开放以来,由工业文明主导的农业生产方式为社会公众提供了"米袋子、肉盘子、菜篮子"的总量供给和结构性保障.但化肥化、农药化、机械化的农业工业化生产方式打破了人与自然之间的平衡,给中国带来了严重的食品安全隐患和乡村生态环境危机.审视现代农业产业具有的"经济-社会-生态"多功能性,从"两种生产"过程解构生态文明与现代农业的耦合机理,构建生态文明融入现代农业产业各方面和全过程的"总体框架-制度机制-综合效应"的技术路径,对践行绿色发展理念和促进三次产业整体绿色转型无疑具有样板意义.  相似文献   

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李宁 《理论导刊》2019,(12):78-84
协同治理是在对碎片化治理批判基础上形成的全新农村环境治理模式,主张通过政府内部机构间以及政府与社会间的互动合作提升农村环境治理有效性,其中,协调、整合与信任是实现协同治理的关键。随着农村环境治理日趋复杂多变,传统环境治理碎片化呈现出价值理念碎片化、组织结构碎片化与方法体系碎片化等诸多不良状况。协同治理强调资源利用最优化与公益最大化,不仅是化解农村环境治理碎片化的有效工具,也是实现农村环境治理创新的理性选择。农村环境协同治理格局的实现需要塑造协同治理文化理念,构筑农村环境治理信任机制;构建协同治理组织体系,塑造农村环境治理整合机制;搭建协同治理信息共享平台,构筑农村环境治理协调机制。  相似文献   

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我国正处在社会转型与体制转轨、机遇与风险并存的社会高风险期,加上各种自然灾害与人为事故纠结在一起,在社会急速变化的过程中,各类公共危机问题被迅速地集中和放大,蕴含着不可忽视的各类风险,其中跨界危机的有效治理成为考验政府执政能力、风险化解能力的难题。跨界危机治理过程碎片化怪相,导致跨界区运作机制瘫痪,秩序混乱。整体性治理,无论从价值意义还是工具意义上,都高度契合跨界危机治理碎片化的逻辑修正。从治理理念、治理主体、治理规范及治理手段等方面全面推进整体性治理模式的建构对提升跨界危机治理绩效具有重要的理论意义和实践价值。  相似文献   

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县一级在党的组织结构和国家政权结构中处于承上启下的关键环节,县域治理是推进国家治理现代化的重要一环。改革开放以来,从改革初期集中连片贫困重点片区和贫困县扶贫开发到21世纪初"国定贫困县"实施参与式扶贫,再到新时代"贫困县全部摘帽",县域贫困治理构成了中国减贫实践的独特进路。当前,在我国"三农"工作任务发生历史性转移的新阶段,仍需要以县域治理的独特进路持续巩固拓展"县域"脱贫攻坚成果、接续衔接"县域"乡村振兴实践。然而,既有研究成果未能从"县域治理"维度聚焦脱贫攻坚与乡村振兴的衔接性以及揭示增强"县域"乡村振兴自主性的政治经济学逻辑。因此,在新发展格局决策导向下,亟须找准县域乡村振兴突破口和切入点,塑造基于城乡经济社会大循环的"空间结构共生型"县域乡村振兴进路,完善乡村振兴县域治理框架。回顾党的十九大以来我国乡村振兴政策取向,推进县域乡村"产业—生态"协同振兴已成为地方政府的优选方案。这就要求深化新发展格局下县域乡村"产业—生态"协同振兴的逻辑框架、实践模型、实施原则和集成路径研究,为形成县域乡村人与自然和谐共生新格局提供有益参考。  相似文献   

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Sorenson  Leonard R. 《Publius》1992,22(2):109-121
According to James Madison, "the most important and fundamentalquestion" he ever addressed was the meaning of and relationbetween the general welfare clause and the enumeration of particularpowers. This question is the most "fundamental" because theanswer determines the very "idea" or "nature" of the U.S. Constitution.Commentators virtually agree on the answer Madison proposedand defended in Federalist 41, namely, that the general welfareclause is neither a statement of ends nor a substantive grantof power. It is a mere "synonym" for the enumeration of particularpowers, which are limited and wholly define its content. Fromthis answer, it follows that the primary meaning of the nationaldimension of the federal Constitution is limited government,understood as a government with a limited number of powers ormeans. The thesis of this essay, however, is that, contraryto the commentators' claims, Madison argued that the clausewas a substantive grant of power for the generally stated endand that the primary purpose of the ensuing enumeration wasto define more particularly the ends alluded to by the phrase"general welfare." Hence, the meaning of the general constitutionalgovernment in the American federal system is a government orientedto a limited number of limited ends.  相似文献   

15.
The fear of a secret Jewish conspiracy that dominates and manipulates the political economy began not long after the Emancipation from the ghettos, and was formalized over a century ago in the Tsarist forgery known as the Protocols of the Elders of Zion. That document itself has been shredded of credibility, but the animating idea of a Jewish cabal continues to show some life. The figure who inadvertently keeps that fantasy alive is the octogenarian financier George Soros (b. 1930), and the attacks upon his ideas and influence are inflected with the paranoid style that had given birth to the discredited Protocols.  相似文献   

16.
Treatments of race and police violence in the fields of public administration and policy have drawn eclectically from many disciplinary sources in historical, political, and managerial analysis. From an institutional perspective, emphasis has been on how organizational practices, rules, norms, and values, along with role socialization, shape germane behavior. Of particular interest to the authors is the phenomenon of race‐related police violence in its systemic but also attitudinal and behavioral manifestations in the policing role. How does an academic or practitioner researcher specify evaluative perspectives applicable to this policy and administrative challenge? There is a prior need for defined analytical and ethical positions drawing closely from public administration and policy sources. This article suggests ways to develop such grounded frameworks, built on these distinctive traditions but also going beyond them, so as to allow for an integrative approach to evaluative analysis and action on this grave and contentious issue.  相似文献   

17.
William E. Cain 《Society》2018,55(5):452-459
Laura Dassow Walls’s superb biography of Henry David Thoreau is the most important study of this author thus far in the twenty-first century. Beautifully written, and packed with rich detail and subtle interpretation, Walls’s book teaches us much that is new about Thoreau and, furthermore, prompts us to think more deeply about and reassess this complex person and challenging writer—a writer whose range and mass of published and unpublished work, produced during his all too brief life (he died at age 44), is astounding. Thoreau is an inspiring radical voice for personal change and social reform, yet he is, at the same time, extremely self-centered and highly skeptical about the capacity of readers and audiences to bring about the transformations that he advocates.  相似文献   

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From minor party status, the True Finn Party (PS) claimed nearly one‐fifth of the vote and almost the same proportion of parliamentary seats at the April 2011 Finnish general election. It registered the largest gains made by any party in postwar Finnish history, thus writing – in the eyes of foreign journalists at least – yet another chapter in the surge of populist radical right parties across contemporary Europe. This article, however, is concerned more with how the substantial PS vote was mobilised than with how much was mobilised. The idea is not to identify the primary causes of the PS's national breakthrough, but to explore the internal dynamics of party's explosive growth and the process of translating a large prospective vote into ‘hard votes’ through the ballot boxes. The focus is on district‐level nomination strategies, the range of candidate types, the mechanics of vote optimisation and the distribution of the personal vote. With regard to the latter, the article seeks to measure and analyse the role of intra‐party competition in the anatomy of party transformation and to do so by the novel means of adapting the Laakso‐Taagepera index to measure the ‘effective number of co‐partisans’. Significantly, at the 2011 Eduskunta election the PS exhibited the highest level of intra‐party competition of any of the eight parliamentary parties.  相似文献   

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