印尼亚齐问题政治和解的原因探析

本文着重分析了亚齐问题实现政治和解的主要原因,包括印尼中央政治力量对比的变化及其政策调整、自由亚齐运动组织斗争策略的变化、国际社会的斡旋与调解以及印度洋海啸发生对政治和谈的影响等.其中,印尼中央政府运用的政治和军事双重手段对结束亚齐分离运动起到了关键性作用.从目前来看,亚齐政治和解进程发展顺利,然而亚齐地区长期和平的实现仍存在诸多不确定因素.     

亚齐人民的抗荷斗争

亚齐王国,位于苏门答腊北部,是从前印度尼西亚许多王国中的一个。19世纪中期,印尼别的王国都先后沦为荷兰的殖民地,亚齐却始终保持着独立,成为抗击荷兰侵略者的一座堡垒。 19世纪70年代,随着资本主义从自由竞争向垄断过渡,欧美列强掠夺“无主地”和重     

印尼非暴力运动的发展及其特征

非暴力运动在印尼的政治发展中具有重要作用.这突出表现在苏哈托下台及威权政治结束的历史性转折过程之中.本文认为,学生组织是非暴力运动的激进力量和主要参与者,他们发动的民众运动产生了巨大的政治和社会压力,直接影响了反对党和伊斯兰教组织中的反对派政治精英的立场,加速了苏哈托政权内部的分崩离析和苏哈托的下台.但是,印尼的非暴力运动也具有相当的局限性:反对力量发展缓慢,在斗争目标和策略上较为保守,始终未能形成统一的反政府联盟.这就决定了后苏哈托时代的印尼民主化将是通过合法途径逐步改革的长期渐进过程.     

印尼亚齐问题发展趋势

在亚齐问题上,目前政府与国会、军方的意见趋于一致,即国会和军方支持政府解决亚齐问题的一揽子计划,包括采取有限的安全行动.随着局势的发展,最终可能以联邦制办法解决亚齐问题.     

路在何方:21世纪的印尼华人--对当今印尼华人分离分治的一种文化学思考

本文运用文化学原理,剖析了当今的印尼华人依然分离分治的现实,并指出这决不仅仅是少数人的行为所致,而是印尼华人"两集团四群体"一体多元状态的深刻反映,是印尼华人文化一体性与多元化矛盾运动的必然结果,是不以人们的主观意志和美好愿望为转移的一种文化运作机制所致.因此,大可不必为世纪之交印尼华人大联合大团结之昙花一现而悲观失望、横加指责.不过,鉴于凡印尼华人大联合大团结之际,便是其合法权益得以保障、社会地位得以改善之时,因此,又不可对当今印尼华人的分离分治无动于衷、顺其自然.文章依据印尼华人及其文化的本体性征和运动态势认为,印尼华人应该充分利用当前印尼民族民主运动所给予的最好机遇,在坚持投身于印尼政治改革、经济重振、文化重构、民族重组、国家重建的过程中,努力求同存异,殊途同归,以真正实现华人的大联合大团结,而自觉理性地践履、建构、完善印尼华人文化则是其千头万绪之纲、百废待兴之领,因为印尼华人文化是印尼华人消除派性的"基本建设工程",又是印尼华人整合为一的"求同存异之本",还是印尼华人得以顺时应变、与时俱进、绝处逢生、千秋万代的"安身立命之道",归根结底,是面临挑战与机遇、分化与重组的21世纪印尼华人进行"部族"建设,最终实现以"华族"整体在印尼民族中与各原住民"部族"殊途同归、和谐共济并谋取更好生存、更大发展之出路所在.     

"五月骚乱"以后印尼华人的政治参与

政治关系是印尼华人与当地民族关系的一个重要方面,政治参与活动是印尼华人保护自身,改善与当地民族关系的重要途径.本文简要叙述了1998年"五月骚乱"以后印尼华人参政条件的改善,重点说明了这一时期印尼华人参政的各种方式.     

后苏哈托时代伊斯兰教与印尼政治民主化

1997年金融危机引发印尼的政治危机,统治印尼三十余年的苏哈托政权于1998年倒台,印尼进入政治民主化的新阶段.伊斯兰教势力也成为印尼政治中的重要角色,并在印尼政治民主化中发挥了积极的作用.     

印尼伊斯兰教与基督教冲突的根源

冷战结束后 ,伊斯兰教复兴运动再次席卷穆斯林世界 ,伊斯兰势力在国际政治舞台上的作用 ,成为 2 0世纪末最重要的政治现象之一。伊斯兰复兴运动的东渐影响着东南亚局势的发展。印尼作为世界最大穆斯林国家 ,在世纪末遭受亚洲金融危机的重创 ,政治、经济和社会危机总爆发。民族宗教冲突是社会危机的突出表现之一 ,而伊斯兰教与基督教冲突又是宗教冲突的焦点。探讨印尼宗教冲突的根源 ,有助于了解印尼局势的发展 ;解决印尼宗教冲突 ,有利于东南亚地区的稳定 ,这是各国政府和学者共同关心的问题。     

试论后苏哈托时代印尼华人社团与印尼多元和谐社会的构建

"构建多元和谐的印尼社会"是印尼新政府在民主化转型进程中提出的重要执政理念,其具体实践端赖于当地社会与华人社会的互动与建构.1998年后,多元和谐理念在印尼新时期国家政治生活中的实践促进了印尼华人社团的解禁与蓬勃发展,华人社团也由此得以在社会、文教、政治和经济领域主动融入当地社会,全面参与印尼多元和谐社会的构建.     

华人参政与印尼政治文化革新

本文首先叙述了苏哈托统治时期,印尼华人在政治生活和文化心理上所受到的沉重打击,然后对"五月骚乱"后印尼华人的参政情况作了介绍.文章还从内外两个方面分析了印尼华人对政治生活不够积极的原因,其内因是印尼华人结构复杂,没有形成统一的族群意识,其外因是印尼政治仍有歧视华人倾向,印尼政治文化有待革新.     

当前东南亚民族分裂背后的美国因素

本文主要分析和论述美国因素在东南亚国家民族分裂中的影响.本文在第一部分总结东南亚各国民族分裂的现状,分析民族分裂活动共同的特点,通过事实说明美国确实与东南亚各种民族分裂势力存在联系.第二部分从国际格局和具体国家具体分析两个层次入手,深入剖析美国因素如何发挥影响,并辅以佐证.本文通过这一部分的分析得出一个显而易见的结论,即美国的干涉是东南亚民族分裂活动愈演愈烈的重要原因之一.东南亚国家迄今没有如美国所期望的那样变得四分五裂的原因是它们对美国的干涉行为进行了坚决的卓有成效的抗争和抵制.本文在第三部分总结东南亚国家抵御美国强权干预、维护民族国家统一的有效措施.同时,这些颇有成效的措施可以给中国一些有益的启示,以应对台独、藏独、疆独等问题,维护国家统一.     

Victim-warriors and iconic heroines: photographs of female combatants in Aceh,Indonesia

Analyzing photos and narratives of the “widows’ battalion” in Aceh, Indonesia that appeared in international and local print media between 2000 and 2002, this article traces how images of female combatants initially provided evidence of a uniformed, armed ethno-nationalist movement motivated by past state violence and linked to historical legends of women involved in armed resistance to colonialism. Subsequently, the heroines were recast as immoral young women pursuing inappropriate sexual relationships with the occupying military. The problems of intelligence gathering, double agents, and the indeterminate zone of overlap in which male soldiers collaborated in the past were rewritten as a problem of sexual or intimate relations that violated religious and cultural norms. In Aceh, the affective power and complexity of women’s positioning as both victim and combatant is fueled by the invocation of the iconic heroines of the anticolonial resistance and ideas about international human rights. Images and narration of the widows’ battalion appear to champion female combatants past and present, but in fact, contribute to the consolidation of the power of male commanders and combatants in the resistance movement. Analyses of human rights photography must consider the affective power of images beyond engaging the empathy of distant spectators to consider their role in conflict dynamics.     

浅议泰南民族分离运动

泰南自1909年签定《英暹条约》归入泰国版图以来,马来穆斯林的分离运动就此起彼伏、经久不衰,成为困扰泰国历届政府的不靖问题。“9.11”事件的发生,使这一长期并未休眠的火山再度喷发,且火焰呈越烧越烈之势,其影响不仅波及泰国国内,还远远地扩散到了其他地区。     

THE BATTLE FOR HISTORY AFTER SUHARTO: Beyond Sacred Dates,Great Men,and Legal Milestones

Historical discourse has become an important aspect of post-Suharto Indonesian politics. The nationalist instrumentalization of the past, always strong in Indonesia, took on a martial aspect under the New Order. Even today, the establishment remains reluctant to abandon it. But new visions of history have arisen out of the widespread protests against the New Order. Some preserve the form of a martial nationalist historiography, but displace it to the regions (especially Aceh and Papua), thus turning it against Jakarta. Others, both at a national and a local level, embrace more societal historiographies in which the state and national unity are not idealized, and in which internal conflict is not taboo.     

论美国对菲律宾南部摩洛人的殖民统治

美国对菲律宾南部摩洛人的殖民统治对当代摩洛的分离主义运动产生了重要和深刻的影响.美国的殖民统治是逐渐演变和发展的,每个阶段都有其特点.美国利用摩洛大督们对地方权力的控制和影响,实施其统治.大督们也依靠美国殖民政府,加强其自身对当地经济和政治的控制.选择合作还是对抗,是由菲律宾殖民地政治形势的变动和大督们自身实力的消长变化决定的.有时候合作与对抗之间的界限是模糊的.美国殖民统治最终实现了行政上北部天主教地区和南部穆斯林地区的整合,但没有消除西班牙时期留下的北部天主教徒和南部摩洛人之间的偏见和敌对,为后来摩洛人的分离主义运动埋下了伏笔.     

Discourses of Russian-speaking youth in Nazarbayev’s Kazakhstan: Soviet legacies and responses to nation-building

ABSTRACT

Research into post-independence identity shifts among Kazakhstan’s Russian-speaking minorities has outlined a number of possible pathways, such as diasporization, integrated national minority status and ethnic separatism. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with young people in Almaty and Karaganda, I examine how Russian-speaking minorities identify with the state and imagine their place in a ‘soft’ or ‘hybrid’ post-Soviet authoritarian system. What is found is that Russian-speaking minorities largely accept their status beneath the Kazakh ‘elder brother’ and do not wish to identify as a ‘national minority’. Furthermore, they affirm passive loyalty to the political status quo while remaining disinterested in political representation. Russian-speaking minorities are also ambivalent towards Kazakh language promotion and anxious about the increasing presence of Kazakh-speakers in urban spaces. This article argues that two factors are central to these stances among Kazakhstan’s Russian-speaking minorities: the persistence of Soviet legacies and the effects of state discourse and policy since 1991.     

Defining the nation in Russia’s buffer zone: the politics of citizenship by birth on territory (jus soli) in Moldova,Azerbaijan, and Georgia

Citizenship by birth on territory (jus soli), versus by blood (jus sanguinis), is associated with liberal democracies and the Americas. Yet Azerbaijan and Moldova, part of the “buffer zone” between Russia and the West, have used unconditional jus soli. No such law exists in Europe or elsewhere in the post-Soviet space, including in Georgia, a third country that is part of this “buffer zone.” The three countries cannot forge closer links to the West due to Russia’s support of “frozen” separatist conflicts on their territories. The article finds that territorial citizenship in Azerbaijan and Moldova, as well as its absence in Georgia, are linked to territorial integrity concerns, a multi-century historical context that had thwarted or facilitated ethnic collective identity, and geopolitical fears of dual citizenship. Both authoritarian (Azerbaijan) and liberal-democratic (Moldova) states have used the resulting territorial concept of national identity to combat ethnic separatism, whereas Georgia remains an ethnocracy with difficulties integrating ethnic minorities.     

Regional military separatism after Deng Siaoping?

Throughout Chinese history, China has been plagued by various forms of military separatism. This article discussed some favorable domestic and foreign factors that could influence the emergence and development of regional military separatism (RMS) after the death of Deng Xiaoping. However, this author argues that, while RMS is a potential force, it could not be practiced in an area larger than a county in size, nor in coastal and frontier areas in the immediate post-Dengist era.     

Private authority and disaster relief: The cases of post-tsunami Aceh and Nias

Abstract

This article explores the rise of private authority in globalized disaster relief scenarios by looking at the case of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) operating in Aceh and its neighboring region, Nias, after the December 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. The author places the growing strength and presence of NGOs within the larger context of weak, cash-strapped local governments under decentralization schemes promoted by neoliberal economic policies and argues that under such conditions, private actors such as NGOs are gaining a legitimacy of authority once reserved exclusively for the state. In Aceh after the tsunami, five hundred NGOs began operating relief and recovery efforts on the island with little consultation with local Acehnese government agencies and community organizations. The article concludes by arguing that the example of Aceh, in which public and private parallel systems of relief and recovery have been operating raises long-term issues of accountability for all parties involved.     

Who supported separatism in Donbas? Ethnicity and popular opinion at the start of the Ukraine crisis

Abstract

Donetsk and Luhansk are often labeled pro-Russian regions as a result of the founding of Peoples’ Republics there in spring 2014. This article investigates popular opinion in Donbas before armed conflict began, to determine whether the high concentration of ethnic Russians there drove support for separatism. Analysis of a KIIS opinion poll shows that, on the one hand, ethnic Russian respondents were divided on most separatist issues, with a minority backing separatist positions. On the other hand, they supported separatist issues in larger numbers than both ethnic Ukrainians and respondents with hybrid identities. Thus, while ethnic identity does not produce polarized preferences, it is relevant in shaping political attitudes. Also, analysis of an original database of statements made by Donbas residents indicate that they were motivated to support separatism by local concerns exacerbated by a sense of abandonment by Kyiv rather than by Russian language and pro-Russian foreign policy issues.