试论印度经济发展模式的形成基础、架构体态及其启示

任何经济发展模式的形成与演变均有其存在的政治经济、历史文化等社会基础,而且任何经济发展模式的架构体系与存在形态也是多维度的.     

新自由主义与拉美发展模式

拉美国家从上世纪中叶以国家主导的进口替代发展模式到后来完全排斥政府作用的新自由主义发展模式,是其自身社会经济发展内在逻辑的要求,也是国际政治形势和经济思潮变化的结果。经过90年代的墨西哥金融危机和巴西金融动荡,人们开始总结过去十几年改革的经验教训。2001年12月爆发的阿根廷经济危机,再次引发人们对拉美经济发展模式的重新思考:包括拉美国家在内的广大发展中国家,一味依赖外部力量是不可能使自身经济获得长久和独立发展的;重新界定政府在新的世界政治经济形势下应发挥的作用,已成为当前发展中国家面临的重要课题之一。     

国家治理模式与产业结构耦合研究——以俄罗斯为例

作为转型国家,俄罗斯国家治理模式在20世纪发生了两次截然相反的变化。其决定性原因,一是受制于当时的历史背景,二是受制于当时占主流地位的政治经济思潮。历史证明,俄产业结构安排不但映照了其国家治理模式,也在很大程度上制约着国家治理模式的调整,即产业结构与国家治理模式之间存在着高度的耦合关系。只有将政治经济思潮理性地与国家现实约束条件动态结合,才能实现国家治理与产业结构间高度正向耦合,从而保证国家社会经济的稳定与持续发展。     

从区域的观点看中国与马来西亚政治经济关系的变化

中国与马来西亚转变中的政治经济关系,是自1980年代起,由三项政策所促成的。就区域的观点而言,中国与马来西亚转变中的政治经济关系,并不是最为特别的,它是中国与东南亚地区发展政治经济关系的一部分而已。换言之,自1980年代初期起,中国亦开始与东南亚地区的其它国家,加强其政治经济关系。     

东南亚金融危机的政治分析

东南亚金融危机的政治分析樊党生一、世界政治经济环境对东南亚金融危机的影响东南亚在过去的十年里一直是世界上经济增长最快的地区，而其独特的发展模式被称作“东亚模式”，其中发展领先的国家和地区被誉为“四小龙”，泰国以其高速的经济增长也被称为第五条“小龙”。...     

全球化时代与多极化世界

当前世界正在经历前所未有的政治经济大变局,其实质是世界告别后冷战时期步入全球化时代,国际政治经济格局从单极向多极转变。国际政治经济的新发展、新挑战和国家关系中的老问题、老矛盾之间形成了新的复杂关联,使世界既前所未有地多姿多彩,又显得纷乱复杂。     

对非洲形势与国际地位的再认识

近几年来,非洲政治经济形势发生了一系列引人注目的变化,其主要特征是总体政局日趋稳定,经济持续增长;国际社会对非洲的重视与投入明显增加;以非盟为核心的集体力量在世界政治经济格局中发挥着越来越重要的影响力.这些变化表明,非洲正在步入一个谋和平、促发展的新的历史阶段,同时,由于固有矛盾的作用,非洲的政治经济形势仍有其脆弱、不稳定的一面.非洲要实现"非洲发展新伙伴计划"所规划的目标,实现真正的复兴,尚有较长的路要走.非洲形势的未来走向值得关注.     

重新解读"中国模式":概念与影响

本文探讨了"中国模式"的定义和影响,认为"中国模式"关键在于较好地平衡了中国与世界的关系、发展与政治稳定的关系、经济增长与提高民生的关系."中国模式"的提出和发展必将对美国等西方国家、中国与发展中国家关系、国际政治格局以及中国软实力构建产生重大影响.这些影响表现在:"中国模式"所倡导的合作精神是对现有西方秩序的有益补充;"中国模式"的提出为发展中国家提供了更多的道路选择;"中国模式"将促进新的国际政治经济新秩序的形成,而广大发展中国家将受益于这一过程.与美国最大的不同是,中国没有在全世界推广"中国模式"的主观意图,而是主张发展道路的多样化.     

《当前拉美社会主义思想和运动新动向》课题结项会暨"拉美21世纪的社会主义"思想和实践研讨会综述

社会主义思想在拉美有着深厚的历史渊源和众多的信奉者,相关实践丰富多彩.近年来,随着政治经济形势的急剧变化,该地区的社会主义思想出现新的重大发展.一批政治立场相对激进的左派理论家和政治家在考察拉美发展状况、分析资本主义弊病和总结传统社会主义经验教训的基础上,提出"21世纪社会主义",并把它视为解决一国政治经济问题、探索新发展道路的指导理论."21世纪社会主义"理论及相关实践不仅对拉美的政治走向、经济发展模式调整和制度建设产生重大影响,也对世界社会主义运动的发展进程具有重要意义.     

“美洲玻利瓦尔替代计划”:背景、倡议与基础

进入21世纪以来,在古巴社会主义模式的影响下,委内瑞拉总统查韦斯积极倡导"美洲玻利瓦尔替代计划",一方面借以反对由美国推动的美洲自由贸易区;另一方面,在全球化背景下,全球议题由国际政治安全转移到国际政治经济,东西安全对抗也转变成南北贫富差距。"美洲玻利瓦尔替代计划"迎合了日益强大的区域自主意识,并在以社会主义为核心价值的区域一体化格局的推动下,成为在传统区域经济整合和新兴区域贸易协议之间为寻求第三条道路进行的尝试。同时,该计划通过应对全球金融风暴,必将形成适合自身发展的安全和治理模式,从而推动全球新的多极化的政治经济秩序的形成。     

中东民族主义与政治发展:历史、现实及前景

中东政治发展始终伴随着民族主义的嬗变。在中东早期宪政改革与民族国家体系的建构过程中,民族主义扮演着重要的角色。民族主义与当代中东政治发展存在着结构性的矛盾。从全球化与现代化的角度看,当代中东民族主义并没有衰落,而只是处于转型阶段。当代中东政治发展只能超越历史上的民族主义,而不能超越民族主义的历史。其面临的困境不能简单的归结为中东民族主义的制约,更不能以超越民族主义作为解决的途径。民族主义与中东政治发展的关系更多的体现为相互扬弃,两者统一于中东国家自身政治发展道路的探索。     

印度政治现代化发展历程探析

印度政治现代化经历了两个主要演进时期。从独立至20世纪70年代末,印度逐步确立了西方议会民主制的政治现代化模式,但也体现出某些东方威权体制的特征。20世纪70年代末至今,印度政治现代化模式经历了深刻的发展和变化,东方威权体制特征日渐削弱和消解,民主政治进入了新阶段,但传统宗教因素也被激活。印度政治现代化进程在传统与现代相互作用、延续与变革彼此交织中向前迈进。     

Fast,slow and endless variation drives global development

This article explores the dynamics of institutional adaptation in fast-growing, highly interconnected polities in the developing world, and challenges the thesis in modernization theory which posits that economic growth and thus higher per-capita income lead over time to democracy. One mechanism often proposed to explain this link is the idea that economic growth and higher per capita income in a society lead individual citizens in that society to become more receptive to democratic values and norms, and that this receptivity can pave the way for the birth of democracy. Yet evidence increasingly demonstrates that the link is at best tenuous and often not empirically valid. Why have many fast-growing economies and modernizing societies not made a transition to democracy, as predicted by modernization theory? This paper addresses this question, with ideas from complex adaptive systems and evolutionary social psychology, as well as case analyses of Turkey and China.     

俄国现代化艰难启动的文化因素探析

从彼得一世改革到1861年的废除农奴制改革,俄国的现代化努力足足用了一个半世纪的时间。俄国现代化的艰难启动有其深刻的文化因素;非东非西的文化特征使俄国历史上的任何改革往往陷入一种困难的境地;东正教伦理是专制王权强有力的精神支柱,其中缺少利于资本主义发展的因素;村社传统抑制了个人主义、自由主义因素和竞争意识的增长;现代化努力过程中的社会政治思想是滞后的,脱离社会现实的。     

Refugee movements in the post-Cold War era

"This article briefly describes the scope and dimensions of contemporary refugee movements by analyzing some of the forces which shape these flows. Democratization, problems of nationality and minority rights, and structural, political, economic, environmental and social changes in the post-Cold War world (especially in large parts of the developing world and in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union), are likely to result in growing numbers of refugees and internally displaced persons in the years ahead. Refugees and asylum seekers are increasingly regarded not only as a major humanitarian challenge but as a political problem and a threat to the national security of Western states. Refugee policy involves much more than defining or adjudicating claims for asylum, safe haven and refugee status for those who seek to enter or stay in the West. It is now apparent that an effective response to these issues will have to involve major Western foreign policy and international actions." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

新条件下推进中俄经贸合作重要问题研究

目前 ,在中俄两国政治关系不断改善与升级的同时 ,两国经贸关系虽有较大发展 ,但仍有着不稳定、水平不高、进出口结构单一和不规范的特点。进入 2 1世纪 ,加强中俄经贸合作对进一步巩固两国的政治关系、促进经济发展具有重要的战略意义。为此 ,在新的历史条件下 ,应以新的思路与对策 ,积极推进两国经贸合作的发展。     

Familiarity breeds contempt? Knowledge and understanding of democracy,support for democratization,and global city residence in Russia

Using Russian survey data from 2011 to 2012, this article examines public understanding of and support for democratization in a semi-authoritarian context. When knowledge of democracy is weak, and conceptual understanding of democracy is mixed—as in Russia—traditional measures of democratic support inadequately capture demand for democratization; that is, for more democracy than currently perceived. Contrary to conventional wisdom, Russians who adhere to “textbook” political definitions of democracy are more, not less, likely to advocate democratization. Residence in global cities increases support for democracy and democratization, while education fosters the latter but not the former. Other traditional indicators of middle-class status, such as income and urbanization, lack consistent effects. Based on these results we re-evaluate the mechanism linking modernization and support for democracy in developing, non-democratic societies. Rather than exert social-psychological or normative effects, modernization works primarily by raising exposure to global political discourses that define and promote democratic government.     

How democracy ends,by David Runciman

In 2006, Poland and Romania embarked on renewed lustration programmes. These late lustration policies expanded the scope and transparency measures associated with lustration as a form of transitional justice. While early lustration measures targeted political elites, late lustration policies include public and private sector positions, such as journalists, academics, business leaders, and others in ‘positions of public trust’. Given the legal controversy and moral complexity surrounding lustration, why lustrate so late in the post-communist transition and why expand the policies? The dominant explanation is that lustration is a tool of party politics and is a threat to democratic consolidation. However, the late lustration programmes do not fit this hypothesis neatly. The new laws have been restructured and packaged with other reform programmes, specifically anticorruption programmes. Late lustration has evolved to include economic and social, as well as political concerns. As such, some post-communist governments in Central and Eastern Europe appear to be trying to use lustration as a way to further the democratic transitions by addressing remaining public concerns about corruption, distrust, and inequality.     

Different People,Different Views on Era

History can be divided into various segments based on the various developing stages. We call these segments eras. The era issue has been raised to discuss time and time again, which is often associated with the major transition of political system, economic system and ideology in world life,     

Burnt into the Brain: Towards a Redefinition of Political Culture

The current US administration has made the promotion of ‘political and economic freedom’ overseas a cornerstone of its foreign policy doctrine. The underlying notion that human beings all over the world can be chiefly motivated by a desire for personal liberty seems a noble but hardly realistic ideal. Such motivation is fostered by processes of social modernization and individualization. These changes are linked not only to structural transformations and the spread of new values and ideas, but also to the gradual rewiring of the brains of individuals involved in them. New findings in neuroscience point to clear parallels between changes in social and personality structures (individualization, self-discipline, sense of agency, time orientation, trust, and the like), and modified patterns of brain wiring in individuals. The cultural changes sometimes seen as a precondition for democratization and democratic consolidation are therefore likely to be slow and to escape deliberate political orchestration. Moreover, diffuse processes of brain rewiring conducive to democratic political development, which can be seen as creating favourable neurocultural preconditions for democracy, may be hampered by the rapid spread of the market economy over new regions and areas of life in both developing and Western countries. These processes can be studied by the new sub-field of political science called neuropolitics, to be consolidated over the next few years.