American diplomatic realism: A tradition practised and preached by George F. Kennan

George F. Kennan's work remains pertinent to the contemporary debate over American foreign policy in which voices calling for a realistic conduct of American diplomacy have been faint. Kennan's thought contains a framework that can be used to examine critically the drift in American diplomacy from the realist assumptions held by the American Founding Fathers towards the liberal or Wilsonian school of international relations. Wilsonianism has seized the world view of contemporary American diplomats and statesmen, particularly during the Clinton administration. Kennan's analysis provides a salutary word in the debate over the course of post‐Cold War American foreign policy that takes Wilsonian assumptions for granted.     

The virtues of specialization: British and American diplomatic reporting on Russia, 1921-39

While important changes were made to the organization of the British diplomatic establishment in the years after 1918, most senior officials remained committed to the ethos of the 'generalist'. In the United States, by contrast, significant efforts were made to inculcate the virtues of professionalism and specialization among members of the Foreign Service. This paper examines the way in which members of the American and British diplomatic establishments monitored developments in the USSR during the interwar years. It concludes that US diplomats were no better than their British counterparts at interpreting developments in Soviet Russia, despite the fact that they were generally better trained to carry out their duties.     

金融投资理论实践家乔治·索罗斯

乔治·索罗斯（George Soros）是集货币投机家、股票投资者、慈善家、政治行动主义者于一身的最具争议的投资家和富有哲学思想的金融理论家、实践家,曾因成功阻击英镑、掀起亚洲金融风暴而极具国际影响力,被亚洲人视为“金融大鳄”。金融危机以来,已退居二线的索罗斯再度成为风云人物,他借各种国际场合呼吁人们正确认识目前西方经济学理论本身存在的缺陷、关注新兴市场经济国家的发展,     

Balancing friends and foes: Explaining advocacy styles at global diplomatic conferences

The growing attempts by non-state interests to influence global policy processes has attracted much scholarly interest in recent years. One important question thereby is what characterizes and explains the interactions of non-state advocates with policymakers. In order to clarify this matter, we analyse the advocacy strategies of non-state actors, more precisely whether and why they address opponents instead of more like-minded policymakers. For this purpose, we analyse evidence collected through 228 interviews with advocates who attended the WTO Ministerial Conferences (Geneva 2012) and the United Nations Climate Conferences (Durban 2011; Doha 2012). Our results show that transnational advocates predominantly target like-minded policymakers and that their activities are much less focused on their opponents. Variation in advocacy towards opponents or like-minded policymakers is explained by the alignment of non-state actors with policymakers, the salience of topics on the political agenda, group characteristics, and whether or not advocates hail from democratic countries.     

Accredited to Africa: British diplomatic representation and African experience, c. 1960-95

How justified is the complaint sometimes voiced by British businessmen and other UK visitors to contemporary Africa that, compared to 'the [good old] colonial days', Britain's FCO representatives have no experience of Africa and little idea about who's who and what's going on in their bailiwick? The aim of this article is to construct a professional profile of Britain's Heads of Mission assigned to newly independent African states over the past 35 years, with a view to assessing the extent of their African experience. This period also neatly coincides with what in one sense can be interpreted as a single FO generation, in that the mean entry age into the Diplomatic Service is around 25 and the maximum retiring age is a strict 60. The statistical biodata on which the argument is premised are presented in the 19 Mission Tables appended. The article concludes with an examination of the major issues surrounding the question of 'African experience' among those Heads of Mission.     

布什与克林顿政策主张比较

布什属共和党温和保守派,是打着“富有同情心的保守主义”口号竞选总统的,可他任职以来的所作所为表明:他“同情心不足,保守有余”,其内外政策主张显示出浓厚的保守主义色彩。其内外政策主张与属民主党中间派的克林顿总统相比,既有相似之处,也有不同之点。 一、经济政策 布什和克林顿都强调要确保美经济繁荣;支持平衡预算,降低税收;主张全球贸易自由化,强调在保持美市场开放的同时,贸易伙伴也需相应向美开放市场;都想重新发起新一轮全球贸易谈判,推进经济全球化。但两人又存在明显差异。 布什奉行凯恩斯主义与自由主义相结合的“混合型”经济政策,其基本点是:重市场,减开支,降赋税,促投资,增就业。既要求通过政府干预来刺激景气,特别是通过大幅减税来增加消费者开支和企业投资,拉动经济增长;又注意发挥市场调节作用,放松对企业的     

George H.W. Bush: Conservative Realist as President

This article explores George H.W. Bush's foreign policy in order to examine what it can tell us about the successes and weaknesses of conservative internationalism as a world view and as an analytic construct for scholars of international relations. First, to what extent, if any, did the Bush administration's foreign policy reflect the course and logic of conservative internationalism? Second, what can the Bush administration's foreign policy tell us about the utility of conservative internationalism as a foreign policy approach relative to alternative approaches?     

Full circle: New principals and old consequences in the modern diplomatic system

Originally written for a conference marking the 350th anniversary of the treaties of Westphalia, the article argues that, although the surrounding circumstances are very different, there are some interesting parallels to be drawn between the problems of the early seventeenth century and those of the end of the twentieth. The principal shared characteristic is that power was then and is now on the move between one type of institution and another. This resulted and results in the development of unusually complex relationships between new institutions unfamiliar with each other and a continuing need for them to deal with decaying but surviving entities from the past. In such circumstances both the structures for forming and managing policy and the machinery for conducting relations underwent and are undergoing marked and stressful change, as the old strives to adjust and the successors attempt to construct new and appropriate means of representation. Where the Westphalian period, under the pressure of state formation began the construction of ministries with sole responsibility for foreign affairs, the present period is seeing a corresponding dismantling of the autonomous foreign ministry under the pressure of globalization. In diplomatic services a similar correspondence may be seen: state services decline, but private entities, whether commercial or civil, are beginning to create means of representing themselves both to each other and to national governments: old problems, but new principals.     

'A conference now': Lloyd George and peacemaking, 1939: Sidelights from the unpublished letters of A.J. Sylvester

Lloyd George's latest infatuation [with Hitler, after his visit to Germany in 1936] was something more than the momentary lapse of a failing dotard. To sup with the devil was completely in character for the man who, at the summit of affairs in 1919, had been drawn to power like a moth to a candle, who had come to worship success for its own sake and on its own terms and to make it the first and last determinant oi his actions; and who, for his final appearance on the world stage, a few years after the Berchtesgaden visit, aspired to a role that would reconcile power with practical politics - that of a British counterpart to Marshal Petain; in which capacity, let it be said, he would doubtless have pulled off a better “deal” than most. (A. Lentin, Lloyd George, Woodrow Wilson and the Guilt of Germany. An Essay in the Pre-history of Appeasement, 1984, p. 154.)     

拉美教育-社会不公原因探析

20世纪90年代以来,拉美各国的教育改革和发展都取得了一定成效,但仍普遍存在着教育不公平的现象.导致拉美的教育一社会不平等,既有教育体系内部的原因,又有教育体系外部的原因.教育体系内部的原因主要是拉美国家的学校教育质量的差异较大;教育体系外部的原因主要是教育机会的不均等,而种族歧视、不同收入水平和贫困又是导致教育机会不均等的主要原因.     

A Doctrine Worthy of the Name?: George W. Bush and the Limits of Pre-Emption, Pre-Eminance, and Unilateralism

In the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, the foreign policy of the Bush administration was shifted radically in its pursuit of the war on terror. As part of this change, the administration announced a new strategic doctrine in 2002 in the form of the National Security Strategy of the United States which was to become known as the Bush doctrine. At its heart this document advocated the use of pre-emption and unilateralism in its pursuit of pre-eminence. This article traces the development of this thinking and subsequent application of this doctrine, and argues that policy failures in Iraq have nothing to contribute to American foreign policy in the second term. His argued that because of this failure, it is not a doctrine worthy of the name.     

土耳其地缘外交战略及当前中土、中非关系的现状和走向——中国社会科学院代表团对土耳其、埃及和肯尼亚考察报告

2007年5月29日～6月9日,我有幸参加了由中国社会科学院副院长陈佳贵率领的院学术考察团.这期间,代表团分别对土耳其、埃及和肯尼亚进行了学术访问,①分别同三国有关学术机构、高校,以及科技研究理事会和经济研究联合会的负责人、专家学者就议题进行了充分的学术交流和讨论,还与我国驻肯尼亚大使张明,以及我国驻土耳其参赞等外交官就如何加强中非和中土关系进行了探讨.     

布什的新战略和美国在伊拉克的困境

为应对伊拉克日益严峻的安全局势,美国总统布什提出一项新战略,其措施包括要伊拉克新政府负起责任,美国向伊拉克增兵,以及对伊朗、叙利亚施压等。这一新战略的实施能否奏效,美国能否摆脱在伊拉克的困境,令人怀疑。     

美国单边主义:传统、历史与现实的透视

单边主义是国家对外政策行为方式之一,曾因布什政府在其外交实践中的身体力行而一度备受国际关系学界的关注.实际上,单边主义并不仅仅是布什政府的时兴之作,美国对外政策的孤立主义思想传统、杰克逊主义历史先例以及当前单极世界体制的现实均与其有着某种内在的因果关系,这决定了它在冷战后美国外交中地位的日益凸显.在思想传统、历史先例和单极体制的综合影响下,单边主义有可能成为日后美国对外政策行为的常态.     

作为可传授知识的拉丁美洲研究:比较观察

拉丁美洲的多样性与同质性并存使其成为全球范围内便于进行科学研究调查的地区,因而受到诸多社会科学研究者的偏爱。相对而言,拉丁美洲研究在中国却长期处于边缘的处境。这与中国对外部世界展开认知的动力、需求和支持资源相关,也与特定的知识假设和学术建制相联。本文意在进行一项知识史的考察,力图对中国的拉美研究作出宏观描述,并从媒体报道、学科发展、文学现象、经贸交流情况、国人心目中的拉美等诸多方面,勾勒拉美在中国被认知的现状;同时,参照美国高校的拉美研究与教学状况,对中国高校的拉美教学个案展开更具体的分析。在此基础上,本文最后对在中国更好地开展拉美教学提出若干建议,强调其作为中国发展与拉美之关系的知识储备和基础的重要性及迫切性。     

Curzon, Lloyd George and the control of British foreign policy, 1919-22: A reassessment

This article reappraises the complex relationship between Lord Curzon and Lloyd George in the years between the former's appointment as Foreign Secretary and the latter's fall from office as Prime Minister in 1922. It argues that the widely held view that Lloyd George held Curzon in contempt and marginalized him in the conduct of foreign affairs is not accurate. Their relationship is presented as being one of mutual respect and significant levels of cooperation. The article thus questions the extent to which the Foreign Office suffered an 'eclipse' in this period.