一般救助义务的法经济学分析

如果没有法律的强制,由于人们的自利动机的驱使和道德约束的无力,一般救助义务很难被自觉履行。一般救助义务从道德义务上升为法律义务符合经济学逻辑,而且具有现实可操作性。因此,应通过立法就一般救助义务的构成要件、救助人的权利、不履行救助义务的法律责任等问题进行具体规定。     

罗斯的显见义务论直觉主义

威廉,大卫·罗斯爵士(1877-1971)是西方当代著名的伦理学家,也是直觉主义伦理学中重要的代表人物之一。他的伦理思想在很大程度上继承了同为直觉主义学派的摩尔及普里查德的伦理思想。罗斯为解决功利主义伦理学、康德等人的义务论伦理学无法解决的道德困境,而提出了一种多元性的规范伦理学理论,这就是他那著名的显见义务论。研究罗斯的伦理思想有助于我们对直觉主义伦理思想有更深刻的了解,以便为我国的元伦理学研究提供一定的参考。     

“道德公平性”:社会和谐的伦理基础

构建社会主义和谐社会是一个不断化解社会矛盾的持续过程。而各方面利益关系的化解离不开作为和谐之基础的道德的支撑,和谐的道德关系需要构建“道德公平性”。“道德公平性”缺失,和谐便不能成立,和谐社会也无从构建。一构建“道德公平性”的核心是实现行使道德权利与履行道德义务的基本对称。道德权利是道德主体依据道德所应享有的能使其利益得到构建的地位、自由和要求以及应该享有的权利。道德义务,简言之就是人们必须且应该付给社会和他人的利益。西方国家曾经过多地宣传了权利,以致有些人认为他们只有权利而没有义务。我国传统社会基…     

不作为犯罪若干问题探析

所谓不作为犯罪,是指行为人负有刑法上规定的特定义务,能够履行而没有履行,造成刑法上规定了法定刑后果的犯罪形态。通过对比国内外立法规定以及我国的国情,认为重大道德义务应当作为不作为犯罪的来源之一;通过案例分析,认为不作为犯罪的认定过程中存在"紧急情况无法律"的情形。     

论康德的道德义务论及其德育启示

在《道德形而上学原理》中,康德以道德动机为起点,引出了"德性""善良意志""出于责任与合乎责任"等概念,提出了道德义务论这一概念。我国正处于社会转型的关键时期。功利化的经济发展、多元化的意识形态给高校大学生的思维方式、生活方式等都带来了一定程度的消极影响。本文从康德的道德义务论出发,探究了"理性""善良意志""道德命题"和"命令式检验"在其道德义务论中的地位与关系。从德育内容、立德树人、道德评价三方面提出建议,为当前高校德育工作提供一定的借鉴与参考。     

如何看待我们身边的伦理与道德行为

今天,我们所做的任何涉及伦理与道德的行为都会被拿出来进行广泛的评判、讨论,甚至发生激烈的思想交锋。在关于公民伦理与道德问题的探讨过程中,必须关注个体的人在处理涉及伦理与道德行为时的选择。通过厘清"伦理""道德"概念,找到我们应该持有的理性立场;考察今天所处的伦理道德环境,从宏观和微观角度透视行为的先在条件和价值观念;在义务论与功利论之间,寻找他们可能的行为逻辑和心理因素。     

企业行为伦理标准的消解与建构

一般认为,企业伦理标准是个体行为伦理标准在企业中的应用.事实上,个体行为道德标准应用于企业有很大的局限性.企业道德行为标准经历了从义务论、功利论两种重要的一元道德理论到道德相对论,再到对话伦理的建构过程.     

官员的道德赏罚

领导干部面对各种价值冲突、权力冲突、利益冲突和角色冲突,有必要通过强化道德立法的方式,将领导干部使用的公共权力和应尽的道德义务固定下来,使其为自己在运用公共权力过程中的非道德行为付出法律代价。有必要尽快出台一部具有中国特色的党政领导干部道德法典,将道德赏罚的具体结果以法律条文的形式明确化,真正将道德赏罚之于领导干部执行公务过程中所具有的引导作用充分发挥出来。     

柯亨对康德义务论的论证和继承

康德的道德义务论突出了人的尊严和自由意志,其"人是目的"的道德箴言成为西方自由主义的立论基础之一。诺奇克援引此箴言作为自我所有论的理论支撑,论证资本主义自由主义的合理性,否定任何施行平等的诉求。柯亨指出道德义务论和自我所有论之间并无实质关联,并通过对自由主义理论的解构来建构有关社会主义平等主义的追求。而柯亨所强调的出于良知和正义感的对人的关注,显然又与康德的道德箴言相契合,是对后者在当代社会的发展。     

法律义务与道德义务之区判——基于不作为犯之作为义务视角

法律义务与道德义务的界分关乎公民权利和自由的存在界域,刑法特有的调整手段以其无以复加的严厉性使得严格区分违反法律义务的不作为犯罪与纯粹违反道德义务的非罪行为甚为必要。法律义务与道德义务之区判标准不应仅仅囿于法哲学层面论议,而更应落实于实定法畛域,唯此方得以指导实务践行、贯彻作为刑事法治基本要求的罪刑法定原则。     

A Rawlsian Argument Against the Duty of Civility

In this article, I show that the assumptions underpinning John Rawls's so-called "duty of civility" ought to lead one not to affirm the duty but to reject it. I will begin by setting out in its essentials the content and rationale of the "duty of civility," which lies at the heart of Rawls's ideal of public reason. Secondly, I will argue that the very premises allegedly underpinning the duty of civility—namely, the values of reciprocity and political autonomy, and the burdens of judgment—in fact rule it out. Thirdly, I will suggest that if my argument against the duty of civility is correct, then one recent attempt to salvage political liberalism and reasonableness from the charge of incoherence fails. Finally, I draw some challenging lessons from our discussion for political liberalism and the liberal tradition as a whole.     

The Observer: Good at Observing, Less Good at Influencing?

The 1997 British General Election appeared to show a clear-cut case of the media influencing electoral behaviour. In an attempt to facilitate anti-Conservative tactical voting The Observer published the results of 16 constituency-level opinion polls. The newspaper is frequently seen as influential in determining the outcome in certain seats, where several high-profile members of the then Conservative government were defeated. In fact The Observer appears to have had very little impact in the seats it covered. Higher levels of tactical voting occured in few of these constituencies than in comparable seats elsewhere, and changes in the share of the vote consistent with the paper influencing the outcome are even rarer. In just one of the 16 seats covered by the paper is there prima facie evidence of the claimed effect.     

On religion and public policy: Does Catholicism make a difference?

Abstract. This paper suggests that differences in religious adherence and/or in degrees of secularization between advanced nations may be as relevant to understanding cross-national variance in a wide range of public policy outcomes as the impact of socio-economic and political factors. The prima facie evidence for such a thesis is demonstrated in areas as diverse as welfare expenditure, family policy and labour market policy outcomes, and is shown to have a particular salience wherever gender-related outcomes are at issue. On the basis of this evidence, it is suggested that, in policy outcome terms at least, it is possible to identify a distinctive Catholic family of nations consisting of a grouping of core Western European and Southern European countries.     

The Intelligence Requirement of International Mediation

This article explores the intelligence requirement of international mediation, a topic that is ignored in both the literature on conflict resolution and the literature on intelligence. A mediator's strategies and tactics ought to be informed by a deep understanding of the parties' internal calculations about the conflict and its resolution. Intelligence is needed to gain this understanding because the parties typically do not reveal their sensitive deliberations to outsiders. United Nations mediation teams should have a monitoring and analysis unit that endeavours to meet this need and reduce the ignorance that commonly afflicts international mediation.     

Justice,Charity, and Disaster Relief: What,If Anything,Is Owed to Haiti,Japan, and New Zealand?

Whenever fellow humans suffer due to natural catastrophes, we have a duty to help them. This duty is not only acknowledged in moral theory but also expressed in ordinary people's reactions to phenomena such as tsunamis, hurricanes, and earthquakes. Despite being widely acknowledged, this duty is also widely disputed: some believe it is a matter of justice, others a matter of charity. Although central to debates in international political theory, the distinction between justice and charity is hardly ever systematically drawn. To fill this gap in the literature, I consider three accounts of this distinction— the “agent‐based,” the “recipient‐based,” and the “mixed” view—and argue that they are all unsatisfactory. I then offer a fourth alternative, the “autonomy” view, which successfully overcomes the difficulties affecting its rivals. I conclude by considering the implications of this view for the moral grounds of disaster relief in earthquake‐stricken Haiti, New Zealand, and Japan.     

Human Branding in Political Marketing: Applying Contemporary Branding Thought to Political Parties and Their Leaders

Political marketing advances by engaging with new and advanced concepts from both of its parent disciplines. One of the most recent fields of brand research—the study of the human brand—is taken into the political marketing arena in this essay. Human branding is an emergent topic in mainstream marketing. The value as a brand of a person who is well-known and subject to explicit marketing communications efforts is being investigated in many fields. The concept has clear prima facie value in political marketing, where the role of a political leader as part of the political marketing offer has been recognized extensively. Politics is also a unique context given the relationship between leaders and parties, each of which has some unique brand associations. The process of exploring the application of human branding in politics also provides a context in which some of the interactions among party and leader, human brand, and organizational brand can be explored and further developed. Among the conclusions are that political party leaders require brand authenticity as an advocate of the party policy platform and brand authority to command the organization and deliver on the policies being advocated. Implications for party and campaign management are outlined.     

Justice, Democracy, and Hazardous Siting

In this essay we examine some issues of justice associated with the siting of hazardous industrial facilities. Utilitarian justifications of siting decisions are inadequate because they fail to address questions of fairness. Approaches that consider questions of distributive equity provide a better framework for siting justice, but are still incomplete. Limiting questions of justice to the distribution of benefits and burdens fails to examine the justice of procedures for deciding such issues of distribution. We argue that justice requires a participatory communicative democratic process for siting hazardous facilities, in two respects. It is prima facie unjust to impose a risk on citizens without their having participated in the siting process. Participatory communicative democratic procedures in facility siting, moreover, when structured according to specific norms of discussion and inclusion, are likely to yield the most just outcomes. We propose procedural as well as substantive conditions for such democratic procedures, and briefly apply these conditions to evaluate the siting of a landfill in Switzerland.     

马克思主义权力观下建构防止利益冲突制度

腐败发生的重要根源在于公职人员的利益冲突,利益冲突的重要根源在于公职人员权力观的错位。树立“权为民所赋,权为民所用”的马克思主义权力观,从制度层面上规范和监督公共权力的运行过程,通过合理的制度安排使公共权力与私人利益相分离,从而阻断公职人员以权谋私的通道,最终达到预防腐败的目的。     

Lockean Self-Ownership: Towards a Demolition

Self-ownership is the moral principle that one ought to be left free to do whatever one chooses so long as non-consenting other persons are not thereby harmed, in specified ways. The principle is foundational for one tradition of political liberalism running from Locke to Nozick. This paper aims first to clarify this principle, in part by contrasting it with a kindred principle of 'self-benefit', and secondly to develop its implications for justified private property ownership. These implications are more meagre than is usually supposed. The principle is indeterminate in ways that undermine its claim to adequacy. Finally, further reasons for rejecting the self- ownership principle are suggested.