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伴随智能媒体的更新换代,历史虚无主义借助智能化浪潮沉渣泛起,其实质仍然是历史唯心主义。透视智能时代的历史虚无主义,其以虚无主义、西方自由主义、后现代主义等思潮为根源,依托形而上学方法论,借助智能化传播方式得以“成潮”。智能时代,历史虚无主义通过操纵算法分析、假借数据识别、利用智能推送等方式设置“价值陷阱”“学术陷阱”及“舆论陷阱”,呈现出多样化的表现样态,但其背后的政治意图从未改变。因此,智能时代同样需要高度重视和警惕历史虚无主义的危害,应当坚定政治立场,坚守智能场域主流意识形态阵地;厚植历史根基,将智能技术融入历史观教育全过程;加强制度建设,运用法治思维方式遏制智能场域历史虚无主义发展,以此解蔽历史虚无主义的意识形态“陷阱”。 相似文献
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历史虚无主义批判与正确认识社会主义历史发展进程 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
该文围绕对社会主义历史发展进程弥漫着一种历史虚无主义的错误认识,站在历史唯物主义立场上,充分结合历史实际,史论结合,对历史虚无主义进行深刻批判,从而正确认识社会主义历史发展进程。 相似文献
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历史虚无主义思潮是唯心主义的历史观,虚无了辩证的历史研究方法、阶级分析方法和实事求是的核心原则。因此,必须充分利用各种途径对全体社会成员加强唯物史观教育,坚决抵制历史虚无主义思潮的侵蚀。 相似文献
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史学因其独特的学科特点与教育功能,在大学通识教育和思想政治教育中具有促进大学生“精神成人”的完成、历史文化认同感的提升和政治认同度的提高等教育价值。但当前大学历史教育并未能充分发挥其教育功能,以《中国近现代史纲要》课为主的大学历史教育还存在一些不可忽视的问题,表现为教学内容的重复性问题、课程性质的双重性问题、历史虚无主义的挑战问题。要克服这些障碍,必须将学习者的需求、知识的内在逻辑和社会需求三者结合起来;必须加强历史研究与教学的联通;必须加强马克思唯物史观的理论学习,以透彻的理论回应历史虚无主义思潮中的非马克思主义历史观。 相似文献
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高校思想政治理论课是全面、系统地传播马克思主义理论的课程,是为青年学生健康成长、成才奠定科学思想基础的课程,是对青年学生进行思想政治教育的"主渠道"。高校思想政治理论课具有三个基本性质,即"思想性"、"政治性"和"理论性"。准确理解"思想性"、"政治性"和"理论性"的基本要求,认真梳理当前高校思想政治理论课教育教学在"思想性"、"政治性"和"理论性"方面需要注意的问题,是提高思想政治理论课教学质量的必要前提。 相似文献
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Alexander von Hoffman 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(3):321-376
History offers valuable lessons to housing policymakers. For those who would devise new low-income housing programs during today's trying economic circumstances, it is helpful to study the strategies that succeeded in achieving low-income housing programs in past difficult times. This article, History Lessons for Today's Housing Policy, examines the political processes that led to the adoption of new low-income housing policies during four political crises. The four crises were the Great Depression of the 1930s, the post-World War II housing shortage, the urban crisis of the 1960s, and the policy crisis of the 1970s. Among other history lessons, the article reveals that well-organized political support, especially from large institutions, is crucial to achieving distinctly different new programs; that decentralized programs are more politically resilient than centralized programs; that programs that appeal to the nation's broad middle-class are most popular; and that policy research is valuable but that politics trumps research. 相似文献
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陈其泰 《北京行政学院学报》2007,1(6):89-94
三、封建帝制崩溃前后"新史学"的倡导和推进戊戌维新虽然被顽固派扼杀了,但戊戌运动由此开启的思想解放的潮流是阻挡不了的。至20世纪初年,由于空前民族危机的刺激以及逐步形成的共和革命思想的推动,中国思想界出现了急剧变化的局面,掀起了输入西方新思想、新学理,用以分析中国历史与现实问题,寻找救国道路的进步潮流。十年之间,雨后春笋般地刊行了大量译著、杂志和报纸。梁启超对当时情况有过生动的概括:"戊戌政变,继以庚子‘拳祸’,清室衰微益暴露,青年学子,相率求学海外。 相似文献
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We explore how partisan affect shapes citizens' views of party ideology and political competition. We argue that voters' affective ties to parties (both positive and negative) lead them to perceive the ideological positions of those parties as more extreme. Further, when voters are "affectively polarized," i.e., they strongly like some parties and dislike others, they are more likely to view politics as high stakes competition, where ideological polarization is rampant, participation is crucial, and electoral outcomes are highly consequential. Using cross-national survey data covering 43 elections in 34 countries, we show that partisan affect indeed impacts perceptions of party ideology and that affective polarization alters beliefs about the nature of political competition. 相似文献
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论警体教学中思想品德教育的重要性 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
冯峰 《铁道警官高等专科学校学报》2011,(4):123-126
检察机关合格人才的最重要标志是必须具备高度的政治觉悟和良好的思想品德。检察院校应注重把思想品德教育融合到所有课程的教学之中。警体教学与训练课堂是思想品德教育的重要阵地,警体教师应根据当前检察院校学生的思想品德现状和警体课的特点,采取灵活多样的教育方法,培养学生良好的思想道德品德。 相似文献
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"中国近现代史纲要"是高等院校本科生必修的思想政治理论课之一。这门课属于历史学科,更是一门政治理论课。开设它的目的是使大学生认识近现代中国社会发展和革命发展的历史进程及其内在的规律性,了解"三个选择"的必然性和客观性。了解这门课的性质和功能,教学中才能发挥教师和学生的主体性,实现它的目的和功效。 相似文献
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Niklas Potrafke 《Public Choice》2009,140(1-2):105-124
This paper evaluates empirically how, in the course of globalization, partisan politics affected social expenditures in a panel of OECD countries. I introduce an updated indicator of government ideology and investigate its interaction with the KOF index of globalization. Two basic results emerge: First, at times when globalization proceeded at an average pace, partisan politics had no effect on social expenditures, but leftist governments increased social expenditures when globalization was proceeding rapidly. Second, policies differed in the 1980s and 1990s: Leftist governments pursued expansionary policies in the 1980s. Yet partisan politics disappeared in the 1990s, but not because of globalization. 相似文献
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A long tradition of scholarship has argued that the cleavages that animate urban politics are distinct from those that structure regional or national politics. More recent scholarship has challenged this view, demonstrating the relevance of cleavages that apply at higher levels of government, such as partisanship and ideology, for urban elections. We contribute to this debate by investigating the perceptions of urban residents themselves. Using survey data from a major Canadian city, we use a novel survey question battery to compare how urban residents understand municipal and provincial electoral cleavages. We consider two questions that speak to the distinctiveness of local politics: (1) How do electors perceive coalitions of support at the two levels of government, and do perceptions of coalitions differ across levels? (2) How do perceptions compare to actual electoral coalitions at the two levels? We find little evidence to support the view that local electoral cleavages are unique. 相似文献
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Simon Titley 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2003,3(1):83-89
The EU public affairs industry is failing to recognise that political and social change is rendering its traditional approach to lobbying redundant. The key change is the growing importance of public opinion. Politicians are tending to follow rather than lead public opinion. The public is becoming more individualistic and more prone to emotional appeals. Pressure groups are increasingly setting the political agenda. The Internet is reinforcing all these trends and multiplying the number of political actors. To survive and prosper, public affairs practitioners need to adopt a strategic view of public affairs, which is aligned with companies' brand strategies. This view must be based on a holistic view of politics and recognition that winning public trust, acceptance and support is the prerequisite of successful lobbying. The emphasis will therefore shift away from traditional elite lobbying towards NGO‐style campaigning and mobilisation of public support. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
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历史政治学是中国学者提出的研究政治学之全新范式,但当然不是从零开始,而有众多可资利用之知识资源,本文探讨其与历史政治学之关系。历史政治学与历史社会学均致力于带回历史、带回国家,并共享众多方法;但后者有西方中心论偏见,奉行价值无涉原则,止于理解或解释;历史政治学则破除西方中心论,公正对待中国等非西方国家、文明丰富的政治实践,且有明确价值追求,致力于从历史中探究善治之道。历史政治学呼吁历史学再度重视政治史,并使之有政治学想象力。历史政治学可为比较政治学带入大历史视野,以矫正其以西式政治制度为标准的偏失。 相似文献