应把系统论中的结构思想升华并溶入质量互变规律

从古希腊哲学家亚里士多德的“整体大于其部分之和”的系统观点,到马克思的《资本论》中系统思想的成功运用,从美籍奥地利生物学家贝塔朗菲的一般系统论,到普里高津的耗散结构理论和哈肯的协同学,系统思想已从最初的哲学模糊思维的摇篮里发展成为系统的理论体系,进而作为一种工程技术广泛运用于社会的政治、经济、军事等各个领域之中。     

模糊思维论略

文章界定了模糊思维方式并提示其客观根据,论述了模糊思维方式的主要内容,阐明了模糊思维方式的重要意义,从而指明了模糊思维乃是现代科学和现代哲学正在探索的一个前沿领域.     

汉诗中模糊语言的翻译

语言高度模糊是诗歌作品的特质之一,在汉诗英译中恰当处理诗歌的模糊成分：可将原文的模糊语言译成准确语言;可将原文准确语译成模糊语言;可用译入语的模糊语译原语中的模糊语言,保持诗歌的模糊美。     

对比语言学视野下的中外学术论文摘要中的模糊修辞

通过对中外学术论文摘要中模糊限制语的对比研究,总结出模糊限制语在摘要语篇中的分布状况、语用功能和文体风格,以及中外学者在模糊限制语使用方面的异同和原因。旨在帮助学生掌握摘要语篇中的模糊修辞,增强学术英语写作能力,为更好地开展ESP教学研究作出一些有益的尝试。     

“隔帘花叶有辉光”——欣赏艺术的模糊美

模糊性,是一个现代科学的认知概念。当我们在谈论模糊时,决不能把它等同于糊涂、混沌、茫然和粗略等。人的思维,离不开思维的模糊性。无数事实证明,在人类认识活动中,模糊现象、模糊概念、模糊判断,都是人们把握客观对象的本质和规律的     

健全完善党内监督体系研究

健全完善党内监督体系,是改革完善党的领导方式和执政方式、领导制度和工作制度的重要内容之一,是发展党内民主、促进国家政治民主化建设的关键。党内监督系统包括体制、制度、形式和程序等结构要素,该结构具有稳定性、层次性、相对性和可变性等特征。党内监督系统具有导向保证、预防保护和强制制约功能。建立党内监督系统的良性运行机制,不仅要健全完善党内监督系统的结构,而且应充分发挥党内监督系统的各种功能。     

参与式教学法与大学生创新能力的培养研究——以《管理学》课程为例

在实施参与式教学法中主要存在教师认识模糊、师生缺乏双向沟通、学校实施条件有限等问题,针对相关问题,提出了转变传统的教学观念,正确认识参与式教学、科学与系统的进行课程设计、改革考核方式等措施。     

国内模糊语言研究综述

国内模糊语言的研究已取得了长足的进展。试图从理论建设、模糊语言语用交际功能研究、模糊语言修辞功能研究、中外模糊语言比较研究、模糊语言性别差异研究等方面对国内已有研究成果进行介绍、分析,并讨论该领域今后的发展趋势。     

模糊工资且慢风行

报载,如今越来越多的企业已开始实行“模糊工资”制。“模糊”者,不公开不透明之谓也。根据模糊的程度,又有“大透明小模糊”、“小透明大模糊”、“伸手不见五指”的全模糊之分。据说,模糊工资效果颇佳,并系许多发达国家盛行已久的成功做法,于是鄙人“杞     

我国传统小说观念的演变

被今天的中国人称之为"小说"的这类著述,如同任何其他事物一样在历史上经历了一个漫长萌芽、成长和变化的过程;而古代先秦至清代小说理论的生成演化则更是一个漫长而又曲折的过程。小说观念的形成过程和演进随着创作实践的不断成熟而由简单走向繁复,由零散走向系统,由模糊走向明晰。     

Channeling frustrations: Institutions,economic fluctuations,and political behavior

Abstract While the literature suggests that clear lines of responsibility lead to greater incumbent dependence on economic conditions for support, little has been said about how electorates channel frustrations in systems characterized by 'fuzzy' lines of responsibility, i.e., the shape and status of parliamentary government in relation to possible choice of electors open to them. The argument presented here is that fuzzy lines of responsibility result in lower incentives to participate in political processes and greater system dissatisfaction given economic circumstances. This decline is greater in systems in which incumbent responsibility is less easily identified by the individual citizen. To test this, data are collected from eight European nations over the period 1975–1992. Split sample and slope intervention models with robust estimation are employed at the individual level. System level aggregates are analyzed using pooled time–series analysis to confirm individual level findings. Finally, election turnout data are also analyzed to obtain election level verification of survey findings. Evidence suggests that participation is more heavily influenced by economic conditions in fuzzy settings. Coupled with existing literature, this suggests that while clear settings encourage punishment of the incumbent unclear settings tend to cause individuals to become more withdrawn and alienated. However, economic conditions are also important to overall system effects. The findings herein suggest that unclear or fuzzy settings increase the role of economic conditions in determination of system affect.     

Channeling frustrations: institutions, economic fluctuations, and political behavior

While the literature suggests that clear lines of responsibility lead to greater incumbent dependence on economic conditions for support, little has been said about how electorates channel frustrations in systems characterized by 'fuzzy' lines of responsibility, i.e., the shape and status of parliamentary government in relation to possible choice of electors open to them. The argument presented here is that fuzzy lines of responsibility result in lower incentives to participate in political processes and greater system dissatisfaction given economic circumstances. This decline is greater in systems in which incumbent responsibility is less easily identified by the individual citizen. To test this, data are collected from eight European nations over the period 1975–1992. Split sample and slope intervention models with robust estimation are employed at the individual level. System level aggregates are analyzed using pooled time–series analysis to confirm individual level findings. Finally, election turnout data are also analyzed to obtain election level verification of survey findings. Evidence suggests that participation is more heavily influenced by economic conditions in fuzzy settings. Coupled with existing literature, this suggests that while clear settings encourage punishment of the incumbent unclear settings tend to cause individuals to become more withdrawn and alienated. However, economic conditions are also important to overall system effects. The findings herein suggest that unclear or fuzzy settings increase the role of economic conditions in determination of system affect.     

Coalition Governments, Divided Governments, and Electoral Theory

For decades theorizing about party competition in two-party and multiparty democracies has proceeded along separate tracks. The former has assumed an idealized world in which one party wins full control of a system's governing institutions in a first-past-the-post election, while the latter posits a world in which elections conducted under a system of proportional representation split control of the parliament among the parties. The contemporary American experience with divided government suggests that the two lines of theorizing greatly exaggerate the differences between two-party and multi-party systems. Where a two-party system has a separation of powers based on independent elections, coalition governments involving shared control of the separate institutions may result. Under such conditions rational voting may be just as demanding in two-party systems as in multi-party systems, and the policy outputs of two-party systems may be no more coherent than the outputs of multi-party systems, contrary to traditional arguments.     

Flexibility or Stability? Analyzing Proposals to Reform the Separation of Powers

The social welfare effects of legislatures in presidential systems, such as the U.S. Congress, are frequently lamented. In response, there are proposals to reform the separation of powers system by giving presidents control of the legislative agenda and weakening rules such as the filibuster. We provide a game-theoretic analysis of the policy and social welfare consequences of a more executive-centric system. Integrating standard assumptions about legislative and executive incentives into a dynamic model of decision making with private investment, we show there are a variety of conditions under which stronger executives do not produce better outcomes. Moreover, we characterize how these conditions depend on factors such as the stability of the policymaking environment or investment fundamentals. Our findings are robust and consistent with empirical observations that U.S. policy outputs are not necessarily worse than those of nations with stronger executives, which more closely approximate prominent proposals by populist-oriented reformers.     

1994-2007年国内公开发表有关眼动论文的统计分析

目的运用文献计量学的方法对1994-2007年我国眼动研究论文进行统计、分析,研究探讨我国眼动研究的现状及其发展趋势。方法以中国期刊网(下称CNKI)为检索数据源,检索有关尘眼动究论文。结果以"眼动"为关键词,出版年限定在1994-2007年进行检索,检索出14年间国内公开发表的眼动研究文献共173篇,文献主要分布在心理与行为研究、心理科学等56种心理学、教育学专业期刊上。对所检出的结果进行文献计量分析。主要项目包括论文分析、论文作者所在系统分析、论文主题内容分析。结论我国近14年来在眼动研究方面获得了稳步发展,呈现出迅速增长势头。研究领域非常广泛,涉及阅读、问题解决、工程心理、体育心理、病理心理、广告心理、仪器设备等7个方面。但是在眼动研究领域所表现的一些薄弱环节需要在今后的工作中进一步加强。     

税收、财政支出政策与宏观经济运行的内在影响机制——基于中国不同省份的面板数据分析

财政政策对经济运行的影响是宏观经济研究的核心问题.但相关文献都侧重于财政支出、税收等对宏观经济的单方面影响.本文构建了基于财政支出、税收的内生经济增长模型.从模型推导可知,在给定税收、财政支出政策的变化路径时,税率与经济增长存在"倒-U"型关系,政府投资性支出与经济增长之间正相关,社会福利不仅与政府支出规模有关,还受到其支出结构的影响.实证检验显示,在我国经济运行中,总产出、消费、投资、政府支出、税率、利息率、工资水平之间存在长期均衡关系,且存在最优宏观税率,政府投资性支出对经济增长率存在正向影响,但对社会福利的影响存在不确定性,且在不同经济区域上存在较大差异性.这说明财政支出、收入政策的稳定性,差异性的区域税收制度安排和政府支出结构,有利于不同区域经济发展.     

Enabling global principle‐based regulation: The case of risk analysis in the Codex Alimentarius

This paper deals with the creation of global principle‐based standards. For such standards to be accepted and effective, particular conditions must be fulfilled. One such condition, little explored, is that standard‐makers and ‐takers share knowledge about the meaning of the principles, as well as the practices through which they are likely to be applied. The paper shows that this condition is fulfilled when transnational cultural systems exist, by means of which both types of actors engage in the explication and representation of their practices so that a common, standard understanding emerges of how principles may be interpreted on the ground and informs the negotiations. A transnational cultural system is a crucial governance infrastructure to set global standards, as shown by the long history of creating a risk analysis guideline by the Codex Alimentarius, the inter‐governmental body for food standards.     

Veto Players and Institutional Analysis

The veto players theory can be used to analyze all political systems regardless of regime (presidential or parliamentary), party system (one-, two-, or multiparty), and type of parliament (unicameral or multicameral). This paper develops the veto players theory to account for a series of important political phenomena: the difference between majoritarian and supermajoritarian institutions; the importance of absenteeism, or of political marginalization; the importance of agenda control and referendums; the reasons for government stability (parliamentary systems) and regime stability (presidential systems); the reasons for independence of bureaucracies, and judicial independence. All these phenomena are analyzed in a coherent way, on the basis of the same framework. Empirical evidence from existing literature corroborating the theory is provided.     

Extension of the portfolio allocation model to surplus majority governments: a fuzzy approach

Scholars have long studied the conditions under which the cabinet making process will result in minority, surplus majority, or minimum-winning governing coalitions in parliamentary systems. Since Riker, a good number of these attempts have been based on rational choice assumptions. Among formal approaches in this vein, Laver and Shepsle’s (Making and breaking governments: Cabinets and legislatures in parliamentary governments, 1996) portfolio allocation model argues that parties centrally located in policy space have a greater potential for being part of any governing coalition and that parties located at the issue-by-issue median have a high likelihood of forming a minority government. However, the model predicts that surplus majority coalitions will only form when the number of salient policy dimensions in the political system is greater than two. We incorporate fuzzy set theory in the portfolio allocation model, permitting us to model ambiguity in parties’ policy preferences. The reformulated model accounts for the formation of surplus majority coalitions in two-dimensional policy space. We illustrate the model’s conclusions with a case study of the 1996 surplus majority coalition in the Lithuanian Seimas.     

Robotic Bureaucracy: Administrative Burden and Red Tape in University Research

This Viewpoint essay examines university research administration and the use of software systems that automate university research grants and contract administration, including the automatic sending of emails for reporting and compliance purposes. These systems are described as “robotic bureaucracy.” The rise of regulations and their contribution to administrative burden on university research have led university administrators to increasingly rely on robotic bureaucracy to handle compliance. This article draws on the administrative burden, behavioral public administration, and electronic communications and management literatures, which are increasingly focused on the psychological and cognitive bases of behavior. These literatures suggest that the assumptions behind robotic bureaucracy ignore the extent to which these systems shift the burden of compliance from administrators to researchers.