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This article offers a thorough analysis of the unintended impact economic sanctions have on political repression—referred
to in this study as the level of the government respect for democratic freedoms and human rights. We argue that economic coercion
is a counterproductive policy tool that reduces the level of political freedoms in sanctioned countries. Instead of coercing
the sanctioned regime into reforming itself, sanctions inadvertently enhance the regime’s coercive capacity and create incentives
for the regime’s leadership to commit political repression. Cross-national time series data support our argument, confirming
that the continued use of economic sanctions (even when aimed at promoting political liberalization and respect for human
rights) will increase the level of political repression. These findings suggest that both scholars and policy makers should
pay more attention to the externalities caused by economic coercion.
相似文献
A. Cooper DruryEmail: |
3.
Decades of research suggests that campaign contact together with an advantageous socioeconomic profile increases the likelihood
of casting a ballot. Measurement and modeling handicaps permit a lingering uncertainty about campaign communication as a source
of political mobilization however. Using data from a uniquely detailed telephone survey conducted in a pair of highly competitive
2002 U.S. Senate races, we further investigate who gets contacted, in what form, and with what effect. We conclude that even
in high-profile, high-dollar races the most important determinant of voter turnout is vote history, but that holding this
variable constant reveals a positive effect for campaign communication among “seldom” voters, registered but rarely active
participants who—ironically—are less likely than regular or intermittent voters to receive such communication.
相似文献
E. Terrence JonesEmail: |
4.
Samuel Popkin 《Society》2007,44(5):37-44
This article attempts to identify the general principles that underlie public reasoning about collective obligations and that
help explain when political parties can create new obligations or defend existing ones. I use these principles to President
Clinton’s unsuccessful attempt to create government health-care plan and attempts by President Bush to privatize Social Security.
The success of a party in selling – or defeating – an obligation depends upon what people believe about the competence and
capacity of government and the value of autonomy – choices made by each citizen; whether people perceive the obligation as
providing floors or establishing ceilings by limiting choice or otherwise restricting opportunities for the better-off; and
whether the program is more like insurance or more like welfare. A party’s ability to maintain credibility with voters also
depends upon whether party leaders can suppress issues that threaten intra-party elite pacts. When attempts to suppress “taboo”
issues like “stem cells” or “black crime” fail, the party loses credibility with its voters and attempts to defend or sell
obligations fail.
相似文献
Samuel PopkinEmail: |
5.
Stephen J. Caldas 《Society》2008,45(1):30-34
This article scrutinizes the inconsistencies in the 2003 Grutter v. Bollinger Supreme Court decision which upheld the University
of Michigan’s law school affirmative action policy. The decision, which now governs university admissions policies in all
50 states, ruled that “diversity” remains a compelling state interest that legally justifies discriminating between individuals
on the basis of their race in determining college admissions. This article examines two incongruous justifications offered
by the Grutter court in justification for their ruling: the “critical mass” justification and the no “undo harm” argument.
Neither rationale is able to withstand careful, logical examination.
相似文献
Stephen J. CaldasEmail: |
6.
This paper presents recent events including the Danish cartoon crisis occasion—a re-examination of John Stuart Mill’s argument
for freedom of expression. Despite the appeal of liberalism, Mill’s philosophy had from the start been subject to intense
criticism. The rise of political Islam opens a new phase in the debate; the difficulties pointed out by Mill’s critics are
indicative of the obstacles that liberalism still faces.
相似文献
Thomas E. SchneiderEmail: |
7.
Citizens’ juries are a form of “minipublics,” small-scale experiments with citizen participation in public decision-making.
The article presents a theoretical argument that improves understanding relating to the design of the citizens’ jury. We develop
the claim that two discourses on democracy can be discerned: the deliberative and the pluralist. By looking at the design
features of citizens’ juries we conclude that they are based on pluralist reasoning to a far greater extent than most authors
seem to realize, and that the association with deliberative democracy is therefore one-sided. Based on empirical findings,
we attempt to shed further light on the actual operation of citizens’ juries. Observations of two recent Dutch juries suggest
on the one hand that a learning process and a positive effect on the sense of political involvement occurred. On the other
hand, we saw a certain level of groupthink in one of the citizens’ juries, and found that the juries are not greatly representative
in terms of political preferences. Our findings point firstly to a need for greater awareness among the organizers of juries
of the two democratic discourses. This would lead to more consistent jury design. Secondly, our research emphasizes the need
for more hands-on critical research of minipublics.
相似文献
Dave HuitemaEmail: |
8.
Mick Green 《Policy Sciences》2007,40(1):55-71
Since the election in 1997 of a New Labour Government in the United Kingdom, a growing number of analyses have provided insights
into, and critiques of, what has been termed the “social investment state”. To date, these analyses have interrogated particular
developments and distinct issues in a number of key social welfare policy-related sectors, including education, citizenship,
the family, and poverty/employment. Notable by its absence, however, is the contribution that policies for sport and physical
activity are now playing in the realisation of New Labour’s social investment strategies. This article therefore interrogates
and registers the growing salience of sport policy interventions for the construction of a social investment state within
the broader political context of governing under “advanced liberal” rationalities. The “active citizen”, and children and
young people, in particular, are valorised and appear centre-stage as the focus for these interventions. This child-centred
focus is problematised, as is the argument that, under prevailing political rationalities of advanced liberalism, government
“steers” rather than “rows” and “enables” rather than “commands”. Under these conditions, while children are deemed deserving
of investment, there may be other groups who are deemed less deserving, for example, older people who, unlike children and
young people have little currency in a future-oriented world.
相似文献
Mick GreenEmail: |
9.
Josef Gregory Mahoney 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):135-166
This work discusses why Marxist vanguard parties require ideology in their struggle to gain and maintain political power.
Despite being considered theoretically inconsistent with classical Marxism and western vernacular, I chart etymologically
how “ideology” came to China and proliferated during the Mao era as a positively framed term via, in all likelihood, Japanese
renderings of Leninism. After discussing ideological challenges under Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin, I explore whether Hu
Jintao’s scientific development and harmony concepts might be understood as ideological campaigns which—by synthesizing Maoist
and Dengist approaches to ideology—effectively address what otherwise be referred to as the Party’s telos problem, and thus resolve in part the threat to the Party’s vanguard claim.
Josef Gregory Mahoney is Assistant Professor of Liberal Studies and East Asian Studies at Grand Valley State University. Recent publications include: “On the Way to Harmony: Marxism, Confucianism, and Hu Jintao’s Hexie Concept” in China in Search of a Harmonious Society, Sujian Guo and Baogang Guo, Eds. (2008); “Rise of China and Pragmatic Marxism,” Political Affairs: The Journal of Marxist Thought (2008); and (with Xiuling Li) “A Marxist Perspective on Chinese Reforms: An Interview with Jiexiong Yi,” in a Science and Society special issue on China (forthcoming 2009). He invites correspondence and can be reached via mahoneyg@gvsu.edu. 相似文献
Josef Gregory MahoneyEmail: |
Josef Gregory Mahoney is Assistant Professor of Liberal Studies and East Asian Studies at Grand Valley State University. Recent publications include: “On the Way to Harmony: Marxism, Confucianism, and Hu Jintao’s Hexie Concept” in China in Search of a Harmonious Society, Sujian Guo and Baogang Guo, Eds. (2008); “Rise of China and Pragmatic Marxism,” Political Affairs: The Journal of Marxist Thought (2008); and (with Xiuling Li) “A Marxist Perspective on Chinese Reforms: An Interview with Jiexiong Yi,” in a Science and Society special issue on China (forthcoming 2009). He invites correspondence and can be reached via mahoneyg@gvsu.edu. 相似文献
10.
Stephen T. Mockabee 《Political Behavior》2007,29(2):221-248
In this study I adopt a view of cultural conflict that extends beyond the usual set of controversial “moral” issues like abortion
and gay rights to include symbolic issues related to patriotism and group affect. Using a set of survey items asking about
respondents’ preferences in child-rearing, I create a measure of individuals’ orientations toward authority that proves to
be a potent predictor of attitudes on cultural issues, affect toward social groups, party identification, and vote choice.
This authority effect persists even in the presence of extensive multivariate controls for demographic and religious variables.
I find that both authority measures and religion measures shape political attitudes, suggesting the need for a multi-faceted approach to understanding cultural conflict.
相似文献
Stephen T. MockabeeEmail: |
11.
Michael Delaney 《Society》2008,45(1):53-61
David Riesman, the Harvard sociologist, rose to eminence in the 1950s as one of America’s most influential “public intellectuals,”
gaining renown as principal author of the must-read sociological classic of the time, The Lonely Crowd. In that work, Riesman accounted for something of a sea-change in American life, marked by his famous distinction between
inner-directed and other-directed character-types, and in such a convincing fashion that the book became a watershed in post-war
America’s understanding of itself. Beyond that, Riesman continued to carry out urbane studies of a wide-ranging array of subjects,
all the while actively engaged in the major political–ideological–ethical controversies and torments of his time. As something
of a principled yet reasoned “Establishmentarian” contrarian, Riesman extended the work of such incisive social thinkers as
Tocqueville, Max Weber, Veblen, and George Orwell. In this personal appreciation, Michael Delaney charts his acquaintanceship
with Riesman, going back to the early 1960s (Riesman acted as a kind of mentor to Delaney at a distance; the two never met
in person and their association was carried on solely through letters spanning some three decades). The essay surveys Riesman’s
intellectual legacy as a self-conceived ethnographer of American life, and dwells on his “exceptionalism” as a generous, caring,
high-minded man of principle, discerning judgment, and exemplary character.
相似文献
Michael DelaneyEmail: |
12.
Howard L. Kaye 《Society》2008,45(2):152-154
Eugene Goodheart provides an eloquent defense of the non-literalist, religious imagination before the aggressive atheism of
several of today’s leading neo-Darwinists. But the position that he takes—that science and religion represent “complementary
perspectives” serving different, yet equally permanent needs—is undermined by two fundamental problems. First, the claim that
science can only tell us how the natural world works, while religion offers meaning, value, and moral guidance, may hold true
when science is understood on the model of mathematical physics, but not when evolutionary biology and its derivatives are
considered. Even Stephen Jay Gould, whose famous defense of science and religion as “nonoverlappling magisteria” resembles
Goodheart’s, acknowledges that the case of evolutionary biology is profoundly different. Here evolutionary fact and moral
values bleed together obscuring the boundary between science and religion. Second, religion and legacy of the religious imagination
embedded in our culture, lose their ability to provide meaning, morals, and consolation when core elements of religious teaching
are no longer believed to be true.
相似文献
Howard L. KayeEmail: |
13.
Robert L. Jackson 《Society》2008,45(1):20-29
Over the past year, several published volumes have argued that American politics is careening out of control, toward a slippery
slope of twenty-first century theocracy. Most of these books present tendentious interpretations of contemporary politics
as matter-of-fact analysis. The reader is assumed to hold the same interpretive bias and warned of the dangers of a new and
powerful American “fundamentalism.” The current article explores a historical parallel to today’s trend. Nearly a century
ago, the Progressive Education movement sought to undermine the pedagogical dominance of traditional, literature-based education,
preferring a more socially-conscious curriculum. The striking similarities between John Dewey’s anti-traditional approach
and the present-day anti-theocracy faction are multitude—and worth our consideration. The seeds of Progressive Education are
now producing weeds of anti-religious sentiment across America’s political landscape—a cultural phenomena that is constricting
the growth of a much needed civil discourse.
相似文献
Robert L. JacksonEmail: |
14.
Frederick M. Hess 《Society》2008,45(6):534-539
The tangled relationship between education research and policy has received little serious scrutiny, even as paeans to “scientifically
based research” and “evidence-based practice” have become a staple of education policymaking in recent years. For all the
attention devoted to the 5-year-old Institute of Education Sciences, to No Child Left Behind’s call for “scientifically based
research,” to professional interest in data-driven decision-making, and to the refinement of sophisticated analytic tools,
little effort has gone into understanding how, when, or why research affects education policy. Instead, most discussion has
focused on how to identify “best practices” or “scientifically based” methods and how to encourage classroom educators to
use research findings. In this article, based on the new volume, When Research Matters: How Scholarship Influences Education Policy, Frederick M. Hess examines these questions.
相似文献
Frederick M. HessEmail: |
15.
Jennifer Jerit 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):1-24
Conventional wisdom and scholarly research indicate that to win a policy debate political actors should frame the issue strategically—that
is, selectively highlight considerations that mobilize public opinion behind their policy position. Engaging the opponent
in a dialogue (i.e., focusing on the same considerations) is portrayed as a suboptimal strategy because political actors forfeit the ability to structure the debate.
Using over 40 public opinion polls and a detailed content analysis of news stories, I examine the use of framing and engagement
strategies during the 1993–94 debate over health care reform. The analysis shows that engagement was more effective at increasing
support for reform than framing. This study is the first to document the role of engagement in a policy debate, and it extends
work showing that this strategy is more common in election campaigns than scholars once suspected.
相似文献
Jennifer JeritEmail: |
16.
Based on examples of socialist heroes from East German schoolbooks and teaching guides designed for elementary school, this
essay examines the role of state ideology in primary education. It assesses the German curriculum of the now-defunct German
Democratic Republic (GDR) and illuminates distinctions between civic education and political propaganda. It also shows how
the curricular emphasis on socialist virtue helped to form “the socialist personality.”
相似文献
John RoddenEmail: |
17.
Brian Grodsky 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):219-238
In this paper, I explore the formation of human rights attitudes among what I call the “silent majority” in the post-communist
countries of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union. This is the large, diverse group of people never directly confronted
with harsh methods of repression under communism. I argue here that the foundations for conceptualizing human rights are based
on the degree and saliency of exposure to rights violations and that, for many citizens of Central and Eastern Europe, life
behind the “iron curtain” is associated with relatively fewer rights violations than life after the iron curtain’s fall. Comparative
personal experiences will play a key role in explaining how these citizens conceptualize human rights. I test this argument
by applying it to the cases of Poland, where I conducted a total of 68 randomly selected non-elite interviews in an effort
to probe for key factors defining individuals’ conceptions of human rights.
相似文献
Brian GrodskyEmail: |
18.
Will H. Corral 《Society》2009,46(2):119-123
Any settling of scores about the state and role of intellectuals in the west has to factor in the function of Latin American
writers and the subset of pseudo-intellectuals called “Latin Americanists” of the second half of the twentieth century. The
score is not even, since the university-bound misrepresent the actual development of intellectual thought in the southern
hemisphere. The ideas and ubiquity of Mario Vargas Llosa are a necessary point of departure to calibrate properly the real
importance of those views.
相似文献
Will H. CorralEmail: |
19.
Daniel W. Drezner 《Society》2009,46(1):49-54
Despite renewed interest in public intellectuals, the consensus view is that they are in a state of decline. Furthermore,
the Internet is viewed as one of the factors accelerating their decline. This essay takes the contrary position: the growth
of online venues has stimulated rather than retarded the quality and diversity of public intellectuals. The criticisms levied
against these new forms of publishing seem to mirror the flaws that plague the more general critique of current public intellectuals:
hindsight bias and conceptual fuzziness. Rather, the growth of blogs and other forms of online writing have partially reversed
a trend that many have lamented what Russell Jacoby labeled “professionalization and academization” in The Last Intellectuals. In particular, the growth of the blogosphere breaks down or at least lowers the barriers erected by a professionalized academy.
They also provide a vetting mechanism through which public intellectuals can receive feedback and therefore fulfill their
roles more effectively.
相似文献
Daniel W. DreznerEmail: |
20.
Relying on rarely analyzed public opinion data from the 1930s and early 1940s, we take issue with the notion popular in contemporary
liberal circles that the New Deal era represented a period of expansive commitment to the security and well-being of the poor
and politically disenfranchised. At least where the public is concerned—as opposed to the progressive policy makers in the
Roosevelt administration—the jobless were regarded with suspicion, immigrants should be forced to “go home,” women belong
in the kitchen not on the shop floor. The harsher the economic conditions (by state), the more conservative were the public
attitudes. Hence New Deal legislative victories accrued despite rather than because of public support.
相似文献
Elisabeth JacobsEmail: |