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1.
刘杨 《法制与社会》2011,(11):31-32
本文以中德农地融资制度立法为研究对象,通过阐述中德农地融资法律制度的现实需求比较分析中德农地融资法律制度相关内容,提出对我国农地融资法律制度的立法建议,为我国农地融资法律制度的建立和完善提供理论依据。  相似文献   

2.
正(接上期)四、法律服务制度在我国,法律服务一般指律师和其他法律工作者,以其法律知识和技能,面向社会提供法律服务的专业活动,目的是满足其实现自己的正当权益、提高经济效益、排除不法侵害、防范法律风险等维护自身合法权益的需求。法律服务者都必须以事实为依据,以法律为准绳,恪守执业纪律和职业道德。  相似文献   

3.
(接上期)四、法律服务制度在我国,法律服务一般指律师和其他法律工作者,以其法律知识和技能,面向社会提供法律服务的专业活动,目的是满足其实现自己的正当权益、提高经济效益、排除不法侵害、防范法律风险等维护自身合法权益的需求。法律服务者都必须以事实为依据,以法律为准绳,恪守执业纪律和职业道德。  相似文献   

4.
论我国继承扶养协议制度的立法构建   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
我国《继承法》规定了遗赠扶养协议制度,但没有规定继承扶养协议制度,无法满足被继承人个人养老和自由处分遗产的多元化需求。我们应当以《继承法》的修订为契机,引进外国的继承合同制度,确认继承扶养协议制度的法律地位和效力,通过立法明确继承扶养协议的主体、内容和客体,规定继承扶养协议生效的实质要件、形式要件、解除方式及法律后果,以进一步完善我国继承法律制度。  相似文献   

5.
司法考试制度给传统的司法官选拔模式带来了巨大冲击。为适应建设高素质司法官队伍和满足社会对法律职业者的需求,司法考试必须与法律教育、法律职业需求相衔接;司法官选拔制度也必须根据宪法要求进行调整,在科学测定司法官需求的基础上,对司法官规模实行严格的编制控制,同时建立面向社会公开选拔司法官的制度。  相似文献   

6.
法律之道:在确定性与灵活性之间   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
一方面,人们对法律的确定性抱有极大的期待,希望以此获得共同生活秩序的安宁;而另一方面,在法律的制度实践中,人们也始终追求着法律的灵活性,以实现公平正义。这不仅是法律自身发展的历史图像,而且也是人类的法律思想成长的历史图像。在确定性需求与灵活性需求的不断碰撞和妥协中,人类社会的法律制度中普遍形成了一种可以应对社会生活复杂性与变化性的"适应性机制"。  相似文献   

7.
论行政区划的法律调控   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
随着我国经济改革、社会转型,传统的以行政控制为主要价值取向的行政区划制度已不再适应社会发展的需求,因此,需要对其重新进行界定和功能定位,将其纳入法律调控的范畴。行政区划管理涉及许多法律问题,如行政区划的设置主体与权限、行政区划的层级划分与等级、行政区划的设定标准、设置程序以及纠纷解决机制等。对行政区划实行法律调控需要相应的立法保障,既要确立行政区划管理须遵循的法律精神,也需要建立法律调控的具体制度。  相似文献   

8.
要有法律制度的有力支撑,通过完善的制度设计建立通道、搭建平台,将公证制度与民商事法律制度有机衔接起来,为发挥公证职能作用提供法律保障;要有公证人的尽责服务,通过务实、高效的公证服务参与经济社会活动,把握现实需求和潜在需求,抓住重点领域和关键环节,增强公证服务的敏锐性、准确性、有效性;要有社会公众的自主选择,通过传播公证理念、普及公证知识,让选择、接受公证服务成为人们的自觉习惯,真正使公证活动与人们日常经济社会活动融为一体。  相似文献   

9.
在知识产权法律制度中,创造性的地位已由早期的枢纽演变为现在的原理。与之相应,外观设计的授权条件也日益具体化以回应实践的可操作性需求。在这一过程中,表述各异的授权条件见证了外观设计法律制度对创造性的遗忘,但限制专有权利以保卫知识公有领域的社会需求又将促成创造性的回归。因而,我国外观设计法律的修改不应忽略创造性要求在具体授权条件中的体现。  相似文献   

10.
《立法法》第72条第4款将"立法需求"作为一个衡量设区的市立法权获得实际行使"资质"的法定裁量因素和事实基础条件,使之成为了一个法律概念,但却是一个"不确定法律概念".为此,在《立法法》的解释和实施中,立法需求不仅成为针对设区的市,而且成为各种立法主体特别是立法职权主体在评判立法项目及其制度设计的全过程中的目标指向,具有了普遍意义.在其本源和生成的过程中,立法需求导源并依次来自利益需求和价值需求.作为一定社会群体的共同制度供给需求,不为既有的政策、道德等其他社会规范调整机制所有效满足的情形下,同时不为已然的法律制度所切实对应,即转化为对法律规范的变革、创设的需求,并因此产生立法参与、立法表达和立法项目、立法过程中构建和提供某种新的法律规范及其实施机制的需要、愿望,此即立法需求.  相似文献   

11.
In the case of Mexico, the prevalence of organized crime and drug trafficking can be explained more as a consequence of the weak and insufficient institutional bureaucracy that impedes the application of the law than the demand for narcotics in the United States. In this context, a study was undertaken in the state of Michoacán, Mexico, the state where one of the most violent criminal groups, Los Caballeros Templarios (the Knights Templar), a splinter group of La Familia Michoacána (the family Michoacán), is located. This article, which draws upon LaFree’s ‘social control’ research, raises the question of the urgent need to strengthen state and municipal government within an integrated strategy to combat organized crime. Failure to reform bureaucracies and the continued lack of local and state institutions that guarantee a modicum of compliance with the law will result in an institutional environment which continues to favor impunity and delinquency.  相似文献   

12.
This article examines the institutional reforms that, among other things, brought about the listing of two law practices on the Australian Stock Exchange. Using the framework for institutional change developed by Greenwood, Suddaby and Hinings, the article examines socio-economic changes that led to government regulatory reform. It examines the conflicting norms found in traditional professional practice with the institutions of corporate law and the stock exchange. After a thorough examination of the reforms and the two distinctive listed law practices, it then evaluates the reforms in terms of the profession, the administration of justice and economics.  相似文献   

13.
This paper argues for the superiority of international law’s existing ban on unilateral secession over its reform to include either a primary or remedial right to secession. I begin by defending the claim that secession is an inherently institutional concept, and that therefore we ought to employ institutional moral reasoning to defend or criticize specific proposals regarding a right to secede. I then respond to the objection that at present we lack the empirical evidence necessary to sustain any specific conclusion regarding an international legal right to secession. Specifically, I argue that we ought to adopt a precautionary approach, and that such an approach justifies giving no weight to promoting political self-determination per se when considering whether to reform international law governing secession. I conclude with several reasons to think that even a remedial right to unilateral secession will detract from, not enhance, the international legal order’s ability to promote peace and human rights.  相似文献   

14.
朱最新 《现代法学》2007,29(4):32-36
行政调处是一项十分中国化的制度,从理论上深入探讨和研究行政调处制度是社会转型的客观要求。作为各种纠纷行政解决机制的统称,行政调处存在着设定缺乏整体性等诸多不足。在依法治国的背景下,我们必须从基本原则到具体机制对行政调处进行全方面的制度变革,以适应社会转型的客观需要。  相似文献   

15.
At the turn of the twentieth century, many judges and juries considered libel law to be a robust check against a reckless and sensational press. So how did the newspaper industry convince seventeen state legislatures between 1885 and 1915 to pass laws easing liability for accidental libel? This article analyzes a debate surrounding libel law reform to tell the story of how retraction statutes were conceived in press association meetings, enacted in spite of lawyers' reservations, and challenged in state supreme courts during a pivotal era in the professionalization of journalism. It offers a better understanding of the power of the institutional press to influence Americans' conception of the purpose of press freedom and the role of journalism in democratic society, and a clearer picture of the beginnings of a more press friendly era in libel law, from the wire service defense to the actual malice standard.  相似文献   

16.
Along with the trend toward “New Public Management” (NPM) and replacing the legal culture of public bureaucracies with market logic through privatization, we are also witnessing instances of “publicization,” the application of public law norms and mechanisms to privatized services. The article explores the role of government lawyers and economists in the dynamics of these administrative reforms. Using a detailed case study of welfare‐to‐work reform in Israel, it shows that the reconstruction of decision making and accountability patterns under NPM was the result of competing efforts by these professional groups to appropriate the “privatized state” to accord with their own institutional logics and interests. While economists advanced a “market” logic, lawyers tried to reproduce the logic of “law” in the post‐bureaucratic setting. The study demonstrates how eventually public law norms were re‐infused into privatized welfare as a result of the increasing institutional power of the lawyers in the regulatory space, along with wider political and social support for the entrenched legalistic mechanisms of the administrative state. However, in addition to the “battle of norms” between lawyers and economists, there were also concessions that led to the redrawing of the boundaries of public law along more functional, rather than formal, lines.  相似文献   

17.
The article aims at advancing our understanding of critical junctures in the evolution of religious/secular regulations, referring to those moments in history when one particular arrangement is adopted among several alternatives, establishing an institutional trajectory that is resistant to change in the following years. It traces the regulation of personal status laws in Israel and India, which, despite attempts by political leaders at time of independence to defer clear choices regarding the role of religious law, became generally entrenched in later decades. Based on the Israeli and Indian cases, and in contrast with common approaches, the article demonstrates how decisions made by influential political actors during the foundational stage of the state appear difficult to reform, regardless of the content of these decisions—whether they introduce a radical change or maintain existing practices—or the level of decision making—whether constitutional or ordinary parliamentary legislation.  相似文献   

18.
Following Le Pen's relative successin the French presidential vote and the BritishNational Party's historic return in our own2002 local elections, the article considers theprospects for the production of morecommunicative race relations in contemporaryBritain. To this end we reassess the media'streatment of the Stephen Lawrence case andexplore the political logic of the Macphersonreport, the policy document which followed theapparent miscarriage of justice that allowedLawrence's alleged killers to walk free. Interms of our analysis of the media we areconcerned to show how the real of Britain'sordinary racism was hidden behind an ideologyof multiculturalism that scapegoated singularindividuals to cover for the structuralinequalities of wider society. The article aimsto show how the media upheld the notion ofobjective justice that institutional law wasapparently unable to secure.But while the media supported the ideology ofthe law, its exposure of the failings ofinstitutional law also led to calls for legalreform to guarantee the realisation ofinstitutional justice. Although we accept thatthe attempt to achieve legal totality isimpossible, our argument is that the critiqueof legal objectivity, which takes in subjectiverights claims, may present the possibility forthe realisation of a novel, inclusive, model ofrace relations. That is to say that althoughthe media supports the ideology of the law, thefact that this support requires a critique ofpractical law forces the law to modernisearound the idealistic demands of its ownideological structure. Akin toDouzinas,1 who has argued for theendless expansion of rights as post-modernutopianism, we believe that this process ofmodernisation, which is arranged to maintainthe status quo through minimal reform, is thecondition of possibility of a more inclusivesystem of race relations.  相似文献   

19.
The process of turning policy into legislation has been the subject of intense debates with some emphasising 'pressure groups', some pointing to Members of Parliament and others stressing the importance of civil servants with their own strong beliefs. This article argues that a particular type of civil service role has not been explored: we need to look at the civil servant who co-ordinates the process of reform. He or she starts with no particular commitment but seeks to provide a framework for legislation which can respond to contrasting and, on some occasions, even mutually inconsistent ideas. Co-ordination is in itself a form of power, and its significance can be seen in the compromises and gaps which are often found in government legislation and which are frequently the product of the co-ordinating role with its search for some minimal level of agreement and 'workable' drafts. The case-study for this analysis of law-making is the strained attempt to reform planning law in the years 1929–1932 in such a way as to make the law an instrument for preserving the countryside and improving housing and city conditions. It was a major attempt at social engineering and highly contentious for contemporaries. It is the essence of this type of law-reform that it simultaneously changes past law and, because it is an administratively co-ordinated compromise, it also produces problems which demand further reform within a few years.  相似文献   

20.
The demand for money in China is estimated separately for the periods before and after the economic reform. Besides the traditional transactions demand variable, the expected rate of inflation (as a measure of the opportunity cost of holding money) and the monetization process are also incorporated into the demand function. The preliminary results show that the demand for money in China has changed in response to the institutional changes during the economic reform. Adding the monetization and inflation expectation variables into the money demand function has enhanced significantly its explanatory power.  相似文献   

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