Deleuze and the liberal tradition: normativity,freedom and judgement

This paper is a critical review article of Paul Patton's book, Deleuze and the Political , and analyzes the relationship between Deleuze and the 'liberal' tradition of political philosophy. It focuses on three concepts drawn from the liberal tradition - normativity, freedom and judgment - and in each case shows how these concepts are capable of being transformed in light of Deleuze's philosophy. For Deleuze, a truly 'normative' principle must be a principle of creation as well as critique: it must not only provide norms for condemning abuses of power, but also a means for transforming norms that have themselves become abuses of power. From a Deleuzian perspective, the normative is thus seen as the condition for the production of the new. The liberal notion of 'negative freedom' in turn finds itself transformed into the stronger notion of 'critical freedom' (Tully), which entails the freedom to critique and create, to transform (and not merely pursue) one's own interest and desires. This entails, finally, an exercise of a kind of judgement outside pre-existing rules or norms that would be truly creative of the new (e.g. the production of new rights). A concluding section of the concept of the 'social imaginary’ shows how Deleuze's work might contribute to a transformation and rejuvenation of the liberal tradition itself.     

Rancière and revolution

This paper explores what role Rancière's work can play in the struggle for a more democratic world. It highlights the strength of Rancière's conception of democracy, which clearly identifies democracy as a popular disruption of the prevailing police order. This order claims to have assigned a proper role to all parts of society. Democracy for Rancière is when an element emerges that has not been taken account of and demonstrates the police order's claim to be false. Among the many benefits of this way of understanding democracy, it upsets any easy association between hegemony and democracy – as in Laclau & Mouffe – and it refuses utterly the ideological fusing of democracy, capitalism, and the state offered by the liberal-democratic-capitalist consensus. However, Rancière's approach also introduces significant limits on democracy because it denies that democracy can ever do more than disrupt the prevailing order. It does not allow for the possibility that democracy can grow and spread to the point that it becomes pervasive in the polity. This paper uses the case of the Egyptian uprising to show how this limitation closes off important political possibilities. The paper argues that Deleuze & Guattari's theorisation of revolution, when used carefully, is a necessary corrective to Rancière's too-restricted concept of democracy     

Concept and Politics in Derrida and Deleuze

Abstract

This paper points to significant similarities between the political orientations of Deleuze and Derrida. Derrida's appeal to a pure form of existing concepts (absolute hospitality, pure forgiveness, and so on) parallels Deleuze and Guattari's distinction between relative and absolute ‘deterritorialisation’. In each case, the absolute form of the concept is a condition of the possibility of change.     

Review Essay: Between Deleuze and Derrida,Editors, Paul Patton & John Protevi

Abstract

Gilles Deleuze and Jacques Derrida have each made significant contributions to philosophies of difference and yet few have tackled the difficult task of studying the connection between the two. In their forthcoming book, Between Deleuze and Derrida, editors Paul Patton and John Protevi do exactly this. What emerges is a fascinating study of the similarities and differences between the two philosophers and in particular the ethical and political threads underlying their connection.     

马克思、恩格斯全球化思想及其现代价值

马恩关于全球化思想最初起源于他的世界历史和世界市场思想。这在《德意志意识形态》和《共产党宣言》中有较为集中的体现。资本主义生产方式的出现,分工和交往的扩大是世界历史出现的根源,也是世界市场进一步扩大的一个因素。最后,真正的全球化是共产主义的出现。马克思的关于对"世界历史"理论思想的研究,对于当今探索中国如何进行社会主义现代化建设,具有重要借鉴作用。     

From clichés to slogans: towards a Deleuze–Guattarian critique of ideology

When thinking about ideology as a form of practice, Deleuze and Guattari show how ideology can circulate through the social as cliché, where clichés are themselves ideological tools that function to order the world or ideologically pattern social action and social relations. Against clichés Deleuze and Guattari insist on the power and political significance of what they call slogans, where slogans or the practice of sloganizing can imply a critique of the forms of ideology we encounter in everyday life. Put differently, a Deleuze–Guattarian critique of ideology implies a clearing-away of the clichés that ideologically play through the canvas of our social–political world.     

在马克思主义政治经济学和历史唯物主义之间的哲学反思

一般认为,马克思主义的政治经济学是以历史唯物主义为基础的,政治经济学则是历史唯物主义的详尽证明和具体运用。然而,从历史唯物主义概念及其在政治经济学的批判方面存在的许许多多问题看,这种观点并非可靠。历史唯物主义并非是被马克思主义的政治经济学推论地表达出来的。马克思也没有创造一个历史唯物主义体系:一个经济因素被孤立起来而其他的因素被控制住的封闭的体系的存在。用知性科学的理解方式去诠释历史唯物主义和马克思的政治经济学批判,已经受到来自多种角度的批判。但我们不能由此认为,对马克思的思想事业之知性科学的错误诠释已经彻底终止了。     

Difference in Marx: the lumpenproletariat and the proletarian unnamable

This article considers the place of difference in Marx's politics through an exploration of his categories of the lumpenproletariat and the proletariat. Far from a simple set of class subjects or empirical peoples, these two categories are argued to describe particular modes of political composition . Despite the frisson of difference and excess which is usually associated with Marx's lumpenproletariat, it is argued to describe a mode of composition - and, in relation to anarchism, a politics - oriented not towards difference and becoming, but towards present identity . The proletariat, on the other hand, is shown to be not a People, historical Subject or identity, but a 'minor' political mode of composition immanent to the manifolds of capitalism, and premised on the condition that, as Deleuze puts it, 'the people are missing'.     

威尔逊的行政监督思想及其现代启示2)Wilson’sA

介绍了威尔逊的行政监督思想。威尔逊行政监督思想是通过他对公共舆论与行政管理之间的关系所进行的分析而得到阐释的。公共舆论在行政管理中所起的作用倍受威尔逊“推崇”,但他同时也注意到了公共舆论的一些不足之处。从不同视角切入来解读威尔逊行政监督思想的关键词——公共舆论,最后分析和阐述了威氏行政监督思想与现代行政理念的契合点。     

哲学批评学:定义、框架与必要性

"哲学批评"是两个或两个以上的哲学家、两个或两个以上的哲学流派、两部或两部以上的哲学著作之间的批评."哲学批评学"可以定义为"概括和总结哲学批评活动之功能、原则、方法、规律等等的一门科学"."哲学批评学"的总体框架以哲学批评的定性、哲学批评的模式考察、哲学批评的历史考察为"三根支柱".建设"哲学批评学"的必要性,可以从如下方面去看:哲学的本性要求"哲学批评学"的构建;中国哲学研究的现状要求"哲学批评学"的构建;哲学领域的学科完善要求"哲学批评学"的构建;哲学领域中众多批评材料要求"哲学批评学"的构建.     

历史地全面地评价毛泽东的法律思想及其法制实践

长期以来,有不少人由于对毛泽东自“五·四”运动以来的法制斗争实践和法制思想的整个发展变化过程未作历史的全面的深入研究,仅根据毛泽东五七年“反右”斗争以后“左”的错误的严重发展,以及晚年的人治倾向,“文革”对法制建设成果的大破坏,就轻率地作出片面化简单化的结论:“毛泽东在法学理论方面,没有什么建树”;“在法制实践方面,没有什么贡献”,“一直搞的是人治”。在纪念毛泽东诞辰110周年之际,特此作些分析说明。一、必须解决的几个研究方法问题多年来,人们其所以产生对毛泽东法律思想及其法制实践的主观片面认识,有着研究方法和思…     

哲学价值论:形式之维与实质之维

哲学价值范畴特指人的价值,论及价值必须联系人的存在,即价值是以人的存在为其本体论前提。而人的存在又包括现实的存在和“类”存在两种样态,相形之下,价值也具二维性:形式之维与实质之维。二者旨趣与言说层次的不同本身明证着哲学价值的二维性。     

马克思的人本思想及其现实意义探析

马克思的人本思想内容丰富、博大精深,是一个完整的思想体系.其主要内容是:强调实践基础上的人及其活动是本体;从事着实践活动的人在创造着人类历史;把人作为目的和终极目标.马克思的人本思想与费尔巴哈人本主义、现代西方人本主义思潮和中国传统民本思想有根本的区别,弄清马克思的人本思想具有重要的当代价     

Violence and Silencing: A Philosophical Investigation of Apartheid

Abstract

With reference to examples of violence during Apartheid, I argue that the socio-political contexts in which violence occurs significantly shape agents' ideas about and responses to violence. As such, philosophers can only make sense of why perpetrators and bystanders alike may have judged violent acts morally justifiable or failed to challenge instances of violence against the backdrop of the particular characteristics of the socio-political context in which it occurs.     

我国社会管理体制的历史变迁与深化改革

与经济、政治体制改革相适应,我国社会管理体制改革经过了高度一元化社会管控阶段、传统管理体制逐步解体、残补模式和现代社会治理四个阶段的变迁,并在管理理念、管理目标、管理主体、管理体制机制和管理方式等方面呈现出规律性的演进特征。按照新型社会管理体制模式的要求,深化社会管理体制改革必须在凝聚社会共识、转变政府职能、发育社会组织、创新运行机制、完善社区管理等方面实现突破。     

Natural History: the Life and Afterlife of a Concept in Adorno

Abstract

Theodor Adorno's concept of ‘natural history’ [Naturgeschichte] was central for a number of Adorno's theoretical projects, but remains elusive. In this essay, analyse different dimensions of the concept of natural history, distinguishing amongst (a) a reflection on the normative and methodological bases of philosophical anthropology and critical social science; (b) a conception of critical memory oriented toward the preservation of the memory of historical suffering; and (c) the notion of ‘mindfulness of nature in the subject’ provocatively asserted in Max Horkheimer and Adorno's Dialectic of Enlightenment. These strands are united by the notion of transience and goal of developing a critical theory sensitive to the transient in history. The essay concludes by suggesting some implications of an expanded concept of natural history for issues in the discourse theory of Jürgen Habermas.     

人类命运共同体思想构成与新安全观总体性内联初探——基于马克思主义哲学思考为中心的分析

人类命运共同体的思想与总体国家安全观的内在联系,具有马克思主义在方法论与方法上的性质,符合马克思主义"总体论"方法的基本认识,具有对新时代的引领作用。习近平提出并多次强调构建"人类命运共同体"与树立"总体国家安全观",在面对世界百年未有之大变局的情势中,对中国如何处理好国际事务和保证国家安全两大方面有着很强的引领作用。构建人类命运共同体的思想,其基本构成具有科学性并厚重的底蕴,五大构成的总体性使得其内涵精炼且外延宽阔;总体国家安全观,总结和提炼了对国家安全的十一大方面,强调要予以总体把握和统筹,对于进入新时代的中国高瞻远瞩地处理好安全事务,在共同体的构建之中,依照党的十九届四中全会的精神,认清形势,把握大局,夯实自身基础等具有很强的指导意义。     

从哲学—社会学角度谈新世纪公民道德教育

当前,我国正处在从传统社会向现代社会转型、从计划经济向社会主义市场经济转轨的时期,我国公民道德教育所面临的国内外环境正在发生重大变化,多种所有制共同发展和多种分配方式并存,道德的多元性、多样性和差别性以及它们之间的相互激荡、碰撞、融合,在封闭的、同质的、高度统一的传统一元社会中公民