德国部分工时工作的现状及保障:基于平衡女性工作与家庭冲突视角的分析

为解决女性工作与家庭的冲突,部分工时工作作为行之有效的方式在德国被普遍采纳。本文详细介绍德国部分工时工作的就业情况,分析其为女性青睐的原因,以及对平衡工作与家庭冲突的作用机制,并阐述德国相关政策与法律保障措施。德国的经验对我国引入与发展部分工时工作有较好的启示。     

国际投资法中的差别待遇初探

资本的自由流动迫切要求各国取消投资中的差别待遇。但差别待遇并不等于歧视待遇 ,它的存在是国家对外资行使属地管辖权的表现。差别待遇伴随着经济发展的不平衡而存在 ,但随着资本全球化的加深 ,会受到越来越多的限制。中国在缔结或加入国际投资条约时 ,应在对各部门充分调查的基础上 ,审慎地对待差别待遇。     

日本农协及其对中国农业合作组织发展的启示

日本的农协在整个亚洲都是具有代表性的，它在实现日本农业现代化过程中起了重要的作用。中国自建国到现在农业的发展并非一帆风顺，农业合作组织的作用有待加强。日本的农协对中国发展农业合作组织有很强的借鉴意义。本文分三部分进行论述，首先介绍日本农协的发展历程，其次阐述日本农协的功能及其特点，最后分析对发展中国农业合作组织的启示。     

日本图书馆员职业准入制度及对中国的启示

图书馆员职业准入制度在日本已有上百年的历史,有力地推动了日本图书馆事业的发展,对日本高校图书馆的发展产生了积极的影响.针对中国高校图书馆发展存在的问题,借鉴日本图书馆馆员准入制度提出了中国高校图书馆的发展策略.     

简论中日经济合作

在世界各大国的双边关系中,中日关系最富于戏剧性。古代日本谦虚向中国学习,膜拜中国的文明。学习和汲取中国文化、典章制度的劲头可谓如饥似渴,遣隋使、遣唐使冒着生命危险,远涉重洋到中国访问、学习;古代中国多用施行仁德之政为治国之本,以其博大精深的文化内涵为支撑,怀德布远,有实力而不以实力取胜,结交并友善于包括日本在内的周围各个邦国。近代中国积贫积弱,近代日本则以强凌弱,导致中日之间生灵涂炭,中国屡遭日本侵略的人间惨剧。二战以后,由于冷战而使中国和日本长时期内很少交往,互相闭关锁国,互为敌视对象。1972年以后,中日关系跨上一个新台阶,实现近代以来两国关系从未有过的历史性飞跃。"相互尊重,平等互利"等原则,成为中日发展友好关系,双方共同遵守的关系准则。     

佐藤内阁后期的对华政策调整

随着冲绳问题的基本解决以及中美关系的缓和,佐藤荣作内阁开始调整对华政策,采取某些积极外交行动改善与中国的关系,意欲实现中日复交的战略目标。然而,由于佐藤内阁既无法脱离美国的束缚,又拒不改变在台湾问题上的错误立场,导致其对华政策调整最终失败,这也宣告了日本对华"政经分离"原则的总破产。在中日邦交正常化的历史趋势下,佐藤内閣的失败令日本各界对中国的复交原则有了更为深刻的认识,其政策调整客观上缓和了中日间的紧张局面,使双边关系得到一定程度的恢复。     

日本福岛核危机对于完善中国能源安全体系的启示

日本福岛核危机对于中国能源安全体系的完善具有诸多启示,特别是中国的能源安全体系内面临突发事件日渐增多等现实问题,而剖析这些突发事件的形成机理的前提就在于正确、全面地认识中国能源安全体系的复杂性,要本着自组织、协同化、开放性、精益化、多元化等基本原则逐步完善中国能源安全管理体制。     

冷战后日朝关系正常化的日本因素分析

朝鲜半岛是日本的近邻,自古以来就是联系亚洲大陆文化与日本文化的"通道"和"中轴","中国文化通过韩半岛传播到日本","在现代史上,吸收西欧文化发展起来的日本又通过韩半岛传播到中国"①二战结束以后,在日本的主导下,日韩双方就正常关系化问题进行     

日本的FTA战略

随着世界经济区域一体化程度的加深,日本的贸易政策开始从单一的多边贸易政策向注重FTA的多重贸易政策转变.日本把发展FTA的重心放在了亚洲,但日本与亚洲国家发展FTA面临着国内市场保护问题、历史问题、控制权问题等诸多障碍.日本的FTA战略构想从总体上提高了日本在东亚乃至世界的政治和经济影响力,但把中国排除在优先次序之外不利于两国的长期发展.     

日本社会对华心态析论

中日关系被认为是中国与20多个邻国中最重要的双边关系之一.尽管中日关系大体上是好的,但是两国之间仍然存在着许多不容忽视的矛盾.为此,本文从中日双方角度对两者之间矛盾的表现及其原因进行分析,进而分析日本失衡的民族心态与当前日本消极民族主义的郁结.在此基础上,作者认为在当前的国际形势下,在如何处理中日矛盾问题上,除了事关两国政治基础的历史问题和台湾问题之外,对于双方之间不断涌现的具体摩擦,我们应该继续坚持"韬光养晦"的原则,一切服从于国家"全面实现小康社会"发展战略的大局.     

日本环境犯罪的防治经验及其对中国的启示

震惊世界的四大公害事件使日本付出了惨痛的代价,但在环境犯罪的防治问题上日本能够实现较快转型。通过修正《日本刑法》、制定《关于处罚危害人体健康的公害罪法》,并通过采取强化市场调节、鼓励科技创新和加强环境教育等措施起到了良好的效果。中国在经济的发展过程中也面临着日益严峻的环境问题,因此有必要对日本防治环境犯罪的做法加以考察并从中得出有益的启示。     

日本人中国法律观的历史考察

日本曾经在很长的时闻内将中国传统法律文化视为圭臬，其法律制度基本照抄了《唐律疏议》和《大明律》的主要内容。近代以来，日本人逐渐对传统法律文化进行批判性反思，转向学习西方法律文化。并试图将日本法律文化推向整个亚洲。20世纪以来，日本人对中国传统法律文化由学习转向了研究，许多中国法律史研究著述出现，对中国传统法律文化的态度逐渐转向理性的思考。     

《日本文化基本法》的考察及其对中国的启示

日本立法实践表明,文化基本法重点发挥的是文化人权法与文化政策法的功能,厚植文化国力的根本在于全面提高＂人＂的文化艺术修养。中国文化政策存在稳定性不足、文化人权相对忽视及文化政绩化、功利化现象,亟待尽快制定文化基本法,就文化发展的基本理念、不同主体的权责义务及各项文化政策作出规定,以实现文化重要性教育,明确文化政策方向及保障文化人权,保证文化大发展大繁荣成为＂有源之水＂与＂有本之木＂。     

越南2018年《竞争法》对反垄断规制部分的修改

为了适应越南深化经济改革的需要,使越南国内市场更好地融入国际市场,2018年,越南对《竞争法》进行了大幅修改,这一举动表明越南政府对市场竞争的监管理念已经由本身违法原则转向合理原则,监管机构将更多地考虑企业竞争行为所带来的市场影响。新的《竞争法》引入了宽大制度,鼓励参与非法限制竞争协议的企业主动投案,并对竞争监管机构进行重组,将原监管机构越南竞争局(VCA)和越南竞争委员会(VCC)的职能整合成一个新的机构——国家竞争委员会(NCC),由新监管机构统一行使调查和裁决涉及限制竞争和不公平竞争行为的职能。新的竞争法采用合并式立法结构,由反垄断和反不公平竞争两个部分组成。探讨新竞争法中反垄断规制部分的修改内容,从适用主体的范围扩大、监管机构的重整、相关市场和市场份额、反竞争协议、滥用市场支配地位、经济集中六个主要方面来阐释新旧竞争法在反垄断部分的修改,是了解新竞争法的最佳途径。同时从监管机构独立性不足、市场支配地位的市场份额阈值设定过低、严重垄断行为需承担刑事责任这几个方面,分析新的竞争法在反垄断规制部分的修改会对在越南经营的中国企业带来什么样的影响,也有重要的意义。     

Resurgent authoritarianism: the case of Russia's new NGO legislation

Following the protest demonstrations of the 2011–2012 electoral cycle, tensions between the limited modernization efforts of Medvedev and the resurgent authoritarianism of Putin have become increasingly manifest. These are seen not only in the relationship between society and the state, but also in the “para-constitutional” institutions of the dual state. This article argues that whereas Medvedev created an arena for liberalization within these para-constitutional structures, Putin has firmly rejected these policies, among other things by revising the 1995 law on NGOs amended in 2006. Using the perspective of the dual state, the article argues that with the introduction of the Law on Foreign Agents (2012), the original law draft On Public Control (2014), a key element in Medvedev's modernization program, was delayed and substantially altered. Together, these amendments create precarious conditions for NGOs, pressuring their independence by threats of dissolution and reducing the quality of civil control over state organs.     

The Politics of Chaebol Reform in Korea: Social Cleavage and New Financial Rules

Korea's developmental state had long maintained the principle of “separation between industrial capital and financial capital,” whereby the nation's industrial conglomerates – the chaebol – were restricted from having controlling ownership of financial institutions, especially banks. The financial crisis of 1997-98 renewed calls for regulating the chaebol, especially in terms of reinforcing corporate governance and competition policy. This process was supported and promoted by vibrant non-governmental organisations led by progressive activists who forged an effective alliance with the government and the ruling party whose platform followed a populist course. The reform movement has been resisted with equal fervour by conservative elements, led by the opposition party, chaebol-supported think tanks, and the conservative media. This cleavage is evident in the case of a pending legislation on chaebol ownership of financial institutions, the Financial Industry Structure Law. The controversy over this proposed law demonstrates that the contemporary chaebol reforms are deeply politicised. It also illustrates the path-dependent nature of the government-chaebol relationship.     

Should Japan participate in UN peacekeeping operations?

With the end of the Cold War, the UN has increased the number of peacekeeping operations that it undertakes, and many voices call for Japan's participation. Hisako Shimura, a professor in the International Affairs Department at Tsuda College, analyzes Japan's new Peace Cooperation Law, its Constitution, and the traditional principles that govern UN peacekeeping operations. Shimura finds that Japan's law contains safeguards to ensure that Japan could participate in peacekeeping missions that uphold traditional UN principles, and she also suggests that such participation would be constitutional.     

Averting a Crisis between Japan and China: A New Way of Thinking

As relations between Japan and China change due to a paradigm shift that has occurred over the past few years, the need for a new security outlook and world view has emerged. In East Asia, the foundation for the relationship between Japan and China must be fairness and justice, and the rule of law. This article proposes ways that Japan and China can work to cultivate common ground that would bring forth the possibility of a new Japan-China relationship based on the “strategic reciprocal relationship” established in 2006.     

Strengthening the Legitimacy of Representative Democracy: Public Participation,Bipartisan Floor Bills and Plenary Deliberations in the Japanese Diet

It is argued that parliamentary legislation in Japan has become the almost exclusive playing field of the bureaucracy, who acts on behalf of the executive, and party councils. Moreover bureaucrats bypass the legislative Diet process by making rules themselves. This is problematic because it is the lawmakers who are directly held accountable by voters for the enacted legislation risking to be eventually voted out of office. It is suggested that under the given circumstances of strict party discipline, drafting of bills by the bureaucracy and endorsement by party councils, the formal majority rule alone is not sufficient to justify legislative outcomes. The legitimacy factor is introduced to verify in how far individual lawmakers are enabled to initiate and draft floor bills by themselves, discuss bill contents in plenary deliberations and get the public opinion involved. The article attempts to demonstrate that bipartisan floor bills reflect the quest for parliamentary legitimacy and equality among lawmakers across party boundaries. It is suggested that the more legislators participate in drafting and discussing a bill the more legitimate the outcome becomes. The paper screens to this effect several bipartisan bills submitted to the Diet of Japan. Bills such as the NPO law, the law to ratify the Rome Statute for the accession to the ICC, the law to prevent suicide and the law to implement internet filters to protect children are the result of cooperation among lawmakers trying to constrain the interference of the executive or of the powerful bureaucracy. The participation of non-parliamentary agents taking an active part in the legislative process has enhanced the dynamics of representative democracy as well. In the decades of radical ideological confrontation in the 1950s, 60s, and 70s the majority rule risked to become an instrument of coercion. The opposition was compelled to resort to anti-parliamentary obstructionist tactics to derail majority legislation that was rammed through parliament without sufficient plenary deliberation and without taking into account the concerns or viewpoints of the minority. Obstructionism decreased with the LDP co-optation of opposition parties to government responsibility in the 1990s. Opposition for the sake of opposition (communists, DPJ until 2006) and governing for the sake of governing (SDPJ, Komei) have not been honored by the voters. After 2007 the DPJ started to refocus its policies more on ideological differentiation and managed to beat the LDP in the 2009 elections. Recently the work of the Diet has been increasingly put under the scrutiny of international NGOs and legislatures abroad. The unresolved controversial comfort women issue suggests that omission to pass appropriate and timely reconciliatory legislation can cause a serious loss of parliamentary institutional esteem and respect.     

日本非婚生子女的法律保护

日本非婚生子女法律保护制度完善而具体,历史上曾具有重要的进步意义。但二战后其相关制度发展缓慢,许多规定已明显不符合国际亲子法的发展趋势。为全面了解日本非婚生子女的法律保护制度,需要从非婚生子女的确认规则及其权益保护规则两方面全面解读日本相关法律,并深入分析其存在的理论基础及面临的现实问题。对这一问题的研究,将有助于解决中日民间交往中可能出现的子女婚生或非婚生地位的争端。