女性主义的"移情合作"与国际关系理论整合

多元化的视角组合有助于我们去理解世界政治的全部复杂性,因此有必要将以女性主义为代表的边缘化理论整合到国际关系的理论体系中去。女性主义理论以其自身独特的整合模式显示了后现代女性主义"移情合作"的现实可能性。它启示了女性主义和国际关系主流理论之间通过平等、建设性的商谈寻求认同与合作,在相互尊重的氛围中实现容忍差异的理论整合,共同构建更具包容和更加开放的国际关系理论空间。     

新地区主义视角下的冷战后亚太地区合作

冷战结束后,世界经济发生新的变化,开始了以地区为中心的聚合发展,欧洲、北美和东亚三大地区性经济区逐渐成型.地区主义(Regionalism)传统上作为一种介于全球主义和民族主义之间的意识形态或思潮,在世界经济格局的变动中以新的面目再次出现①.地区主义是一个影响20世纪后期以来世界事务演变的重要的趋势性范式,它的理论和实践已经并将继续改变着世界.本文以新地区主义(New Regionalism)为分析视角,试图说明其对亚太地区合作所起的整合作用.     

跨层次理论整合:从双层博弈到双层竞合

鉴于系统分析理论的缺陷,跨层次理论整合浮出水面,并成为国际关系领域的研究难题。罗西瑙等众多学者都有过相关学术努力,但均差强人意。有一种思路是通过单元层次的回落,以外交政策分析来实现跨层次理论的整合,但由于外交政策变化主观随意性太大,面临多因素、多层次、多学科等多重困难,导致研究上难度越来越大,最后收效甚微。总体上看,最成功的还是罗伯特·普特南的双层博弈及米尔纳模式。在借鉴以上研究成果的基础上,本文把双层博弈发展成双层竞合模式及其三种互动方式,进而演进成双层、多元"立体式竞合"模式,从而提出了跨层次理论整合新的思路及方向。     

当前东南亚形势浅析

东南亚地区形势呈稳定与非稳定双重因素并存且大体均等的特点,虽动荡不断,但演变为地区性动荡和整体性失控局面的可能性不大。政治上,该地区总体保持稳定,个别国家动荡;经济上,发展势头强劲,地区整合加速;外交上,大国角逐加剧,东盟巧施平衡;非传统安全上,挑战增多,合作加强;对华关系上,双方的战略伙伴关系得到迅速提升。未来将以“求稳定、谋发展、迎变革、搞平衡、促整合”为主要趋势。     

伊拉克战争与中东新格局

美国发动的伊拉克战争正在改变中东地区的力量对比 ,拉开了“整合中东”的序幕。中东地区各类国家间开始酝酿新的分化组合。如何稳定伊拉克战后局势、平衡各方各派的利益要求 ,是美国面临的棘手问题。这场战争同时触发了自冷战结束以来大国间最激烈、最复杂和最深刻的外交较量和利益角逐 ,它对中东地区战略格局的影响将会在形势的后续发展及战后各方利益的摩擦与切换过程中逐步显现。尽管中东地区力量对比和格局因“倒萨”战争而发生有利于美国的变化 ,但美国以“倒萨”为突破口“整合中东”的企图难以彻底实现 ,并将为此背上沉重包袱     

美国“印太经济框架”的本质、影响及中国的应对策略

2022年5月，美国总统拜登在日本东京宣布与印太地区的13个国家启动“印太经济框架”的谈判进程。“印太经济框架”作为美国开展印太区域经济合作新的制度体系，从本质上讲，是一份以美国利益优先的印太区域制度整合方案，是美国在印太地区开展对华竞争的行动纲领，其未来必将会对我国的海外市场、供应链稳定、区域数字经贸规则制定话语权以及区域各国制度整合等方面带来不确定性的影响。为应对“印太经济框架”的可能影响和挑战，我国应加快构建新发展格局，整合“一带一路”倡议和RCEP，推出区域数字规则的“中国方案”，构建我国跨国企业主导的区域供应链，以RCEP为抓手，推动区域制度整合。     

民族主义、区域协作与上海合作组织的发展——一种地区主义的视角

发展问题是上海合作组织目前需要解决的主要课题之一。上海合作组织面临着复杂的国际环境,其发展过程中遇到了民族主义、区域协作等问题,从地区主义的角度来看,上海合作组织可以把一些外部力量纳入甚至整合其中,与中亚地区的其他力量展开合作。。     

东南亚新地区主义及其制度转型的范式研究

东盟-体化进程的加快是东南亚新地区主义发展的一项重要成果,目前对东南亚新地区主义的研究主要是借鉴国际政治经济学的研究套路。东南亚新地区主义具有地区整合和地区离散的双重特征。东盟的扩大、经济一体化、冲突的管理和解决等,又使得新地区主义具有制度转型的特征。东盟期望通过加强内部的文化认同和调适,在未来的全球竞争中更具竞争力。在这种背景下,进行东南亚新地区主义及其制度转型的范式研究就显得十分必要。     

俄罗斯在中亚的经济存在及对丝绸之路经济带战略的影响

一、中亚地区在俄罗斯地缘经济战略中占有特殊地位 俄罗斯转型二十多年以来,除了1990年代上半期俄罗斯在战略方向上急于＂回归＂欧洲文明和忙于整合国内政治经济秩序之外,在大部分时间内,俄罗斯都非常重视中亚地区对于俄罗斯的地缘价值。在某种程度上,中亚地区是俄罗斯独联体战略的核心和＂强国战略＂的重要支撑。     

地区主义与东亚秩序的转型趋向

冷战结束后,东亚地区主义的兴起已成为推动该地区秩序重构和转型的重要推动力。在地区主义的影响下,东亚的内聚力和地区性不断增强、共同理念和地区规范逐渐形成,新的权力结构开始确立,这些因素不断解构着美国主导的"轴心—轮辐式"东亚霸权秩序,并使之呈现出向地区整合背景下"多元共同合作"秩序转变的发展态势。     

War, Peace, and the Invisible Hand: Positive Political Externalities of Economic Globalization

Studies of signaling in international relations reveal how punishing bluffing ex post through domestic audience costs or opposition groups facilitates credible ex ante communication among states and reduces the impetus toward war. Global integration of economic markets may also reduce uncertainty by making talk costly ex ante. Autonomous global capital can respond dramatically to political crises. To the degree that globalization forces leaders to choose between pursuing competitive political goals and maintaining economic stability, it reveals the intensity of leaders' preferences, reducing the need for military contests as a method of identifying mutually acceptable bargains. Asymmetric integration can dampen the pacific effects of globalization, but asymmetry does not in itself exacerbate dispute behavior. We present the theory and offer preliminary corroborative tests of implications of the argument on postwar militarized disputes.     

How can perception help us to understand the dynamic between EU member states? The state of the art

The paper reviews literature on perception within the international relations and the European Union (EU) studies in order to find out whether and how this concept can help us shed some light on the mutual relations between the EU member states. It examines the utilisation of perception as an analytical tool within the international relations where it was predominantly included into the foreign policy analysis approaches (image and role theory). Moreover, it was used for examining the views of the EU by other actors at not only bilateral but also multilateral level. Most studies analysed the perception of Asian countries, however, other areas, including Africa, were studied. Perception was utilised also at the EU level, when it was used for scrutinising different EU policies (foreign and security policies, enlargement), examining preference formation and influence of member states or investigating elite and public support for the European integration. The results show that perception is a valuable concept that can help us to analyse mutual relations between the EU member states in the enlarged and changed EU in several ways.     

Breaking Free from Europe: Why Africa Needs Another Model of Regional Integration

Support for regional economic integration in Africa runs high amongst the continent's international development partners and African elites. However, its expression in European forms of economic integration is not appropriate to regional capacities and in some cases may do more harm than good. This lacuna is exacerbated by technical and theoretical analyses rooted either in economics or international relations literature. This article sets out to reconceptualise the foundations of African economic integration by reviewing key debates within each literature and comparing the results across disciplinary boundaries. Overall, it is concluded that a much more limited approach is required, one that prioritises trade facilitation and regulatory cooperation in areas related primarily to the conduct of business; underpinned by a security regime emphasizing the good governance agenda at the domestic level. Care should be taken to design the ensuing schemes in such a way as to avoid contributing to major implementation and capacity challenges in establishing viable and legitimate states. In doing so, the presence of regional leaders with relatively deep pockets – South Africa in the Southern African case – points to the imperative of building such limited regional economic arrangements around key states.     

A systemic perspective on regional integration after the end of the Cold War

This paper explains the systemic pressures on states in Europe and Southeast Asia to broaden their alliances after the end of the Cold War, and how expansion impacts on regional integration. Inter-state cooperation is still very much the basis of regional integration. In Europe, states will scuttle attempts at deepening integration if this threatens their security, as the recent political impasse in the European Union reveals. In Southeast Asia, by contrast, the threat to the security of states arises from their failure to deepen economic integration in order to survive an anarchic world financial system. This failure is due to entrenched internal constraints that prevents closer inter-state cooperation and the pooling of sovereignty. Thus, while attempts to move into the area of political union will be resisted by states eager to maintain their sovereignty, the inability to advance into the area of monetary union can only lead to demise of states.

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Regional integration and the individualism/collectivism dichotomy

This paper explores how regional integration can be seen through the lens of the individualism/collectivism dichotomy. Two main worldviews dominate the world since the 18-century: individualism and collectivism. These worldviews not only shape the behaviour of individuals but also that of institutional actors such as states. At the level of states, these two worldviews have been reflected in states pursuing their national interests and in states seeking to cooperate with other states. Also, within single states, these two worldviews find their expression in conceptions about how social order and public life are organised: the welfare state versus a market oriented society. As such, regional integration is a process that has a double relation to the individualism/collectivism dichotomy. First, the level of regional integration that states will pursue is linked to (individual) national interests. Secondly, regional integration as a move towards unity is function of the existing degree of homogeneity in social welfare systems. Today, a major challenge for the world is the dual evolution of growing individualism on the one hand (with limits to solidarity) and of a growing area of problems that have to be tackled at a collective level (cf. globalisation). This paper will argue that regional integration can be a valuable answer to overcome the individualism/collectivism dichotomy at the level of states. But for this to happen, civil society needs to become much more involved in regional integration processes.     

欧亚经济共同体经济一体化对中国的影响及中国的对策

欧亚经济共同体是以俄罗斯为主导的独联体框架内最重要的经济一体化组织。目前,该组织在建立关税同盟方面取得了重大的实质性进展,共同体框架内的俄白哈三国关税同盟已于2010年1月1日正式启动。该组织作为中国的重要周边因素之一,其经济一体化的进展和发展趋势将不可避免地对中国与其成员国的经贸合作产生一定的影响。中国应积极采取应对措施,迎接共同体经济一体化所形成的挑战,并利用其提供的机遇,以促使中国与共同体成员国的经贸合作健康发展。     

Maastricht watch

In the late 1980s, prospects for Maghreb integration were high; the process of integration reflected the aspirations of Maghreb states and societies. However, analysis shows that the process was merely a response to internal and external events of that period, namely, economic difficulties, ‘fortress Europe’, and the rise of radical Islamism. Following the Arab Spring, incessant calls for unity have re-emerged. Once again, these calls for unity, after a long period of tense relations, especially between Algeria and Morocco, have resulted from internal and external constraints. The threats to the incumbent regimes and/or the insecurity prevailing domestically and at the borders have compelled the Maghreb states to seek greater cooperation to overcome the hardships with which they are faced.     

Rationalist state,revolutionist EU and realist war: Austria in international society

This article examines Austria's position as a small, neutral state in the international society as framed by the English School. This examination is chiefly done in the face of the effects of great power conflicts and their impact on Western Europe's society of states. In doing so, the article provides insights to the fundamental puzzles concerning the ways power is managed between states, great and small alike. The article surveys how war (such as in South Ossetia in 2008) and war-like incidents affected Austria's position in the international society and the understanding of its place in great power conflicts between East and West. I argue that neutrality, despite European integration in the context of a peaceful international society, remains a political option for small states such as Austria. This option is especially lively if there is a domestic sentimental attachment to it and sticking to it does not undermine domestic or European and international foreign policy rationale and interests.     

Globalization,Integration, and the European Welfare State

This paper considers three challenges to the mature European welfare states posed by economic and social integration, demographic changes, and the alleged decline of state capacity in the form of fiscal extraction in an era of globalization. I argue that the experiences of the older member states in the European Union are difficult to reconcile with the common assertions that globalization necessarily leads to a “race to the bottom” where welfare spending is downsized to the lowest common denominator. I develop a set of hypotheses on plausible linkages between demographic challenges, globalization, political capacity, and welfare spending, and test the propositions in an empirical analysis of 14 European Union member states from 1983 to 1998. My empirical results suggest that economic integration does not pose a threat to European welfare states. Rather, demographic changes such as low fertility rates and the aging of the population and their political implications for political leaders’ incentives are more serious challenges for the continuation of the welfare state in Europe.