塞西尔·罗得斯与南部非洲政治格局的形成

塞西尔? 罗得斯的殖民行径在客观上对于后来南部非洲政治格局和政治版图的形成 具有推动作用，特别在南非联邦的建立以及津巴布韦和赞比亚的现代国家雏形的塑造方面发挥了 比较重要的影响，因此比较有力地诠释了马克思关于近代殖民主义具有“双重使命”的理论，即其 一方面用野蛮的方式摧毁了落后国家的原生经济形态，阻断了其原来的社会历史发展进程，另一 方面又在客观上为东方国家建立起西方式资本主义社会或现代国家创造了必要的物质基础。     

英帝国的“推力”与布尔人的“民族大迁徙”

19世纪的布尔人民族大迁徙是研究南非历史无法绕开的一个问题,究其最重要和最根本的原因,英帝国的推力起到了关键作用。在成为开普殖民地的主人后,经过工业革命洗礼的英国殖民当局颁布了旨在促进殖民地资本主义生产的一系列农地制度改革措施,以及给予科伊人和班图黑人某种平等地位、实行自由雇佣制的第五十号法令与释奴法令,最终迫使布尔人集体逃离开普殖民地,深入内陆建立起德兰士瓦共和国和奥兰治自由邦,并在那里实行种族隔离政策,从而对南非的发展产生了深远影响。     

南非传媒业的历史变迁与现状

南非位于非洲最南端,是非洲最发达的国家。与经济发展相一致,南非的传媒产业规模和现代化水平在非洲也同样居首位,在非洲特别是南部非洲具有相当大的影响力。南非传媒业的历史变迁(一)南非政权更迭及政府的政策变化对传媒产业产生了重大影响17世纪中叶和19世纪初年,荷兰人和英国人先后在南非建立了殖民统治。1899~1902年,爆发了英布战争。英布战争中,反战人士运用体现资产阶级民主的英国式传媒体制揭露了英军对布尔人所施以的暴行。真相唤醒了英国民众的良知。最终,公众舆论的压力成为促使英国政府于1902年结束这场战争的一个重要原因。英布…     

英国和俄国殖民主义管理体制的比较分析

西方殖民主义扩张历史贯穿着近代以来整个人类社会的发展进程。来自西方的殖 民冲击直接决定了殖民地诸国最近几百年的发展道路;直到今天, 这种冲击的影响仍然在世界政治 经济生活中继续存在。英国和俄国都曾经是这段历史上最庞大的殖民主义宗主国, 它们的殖民主 义扩张深刻影响着当今世界的地缘政治格局。地缘政治的截然不同是英国和俄国殖民主义管理体 制存在差异性的重要原因。英国的殖民主义管理体制一方面给西方以外的文明带来了深重的灾 难, 一方面也在客观上给全世界带来了资本主义的先进政治制度和先进文明;俄罗斯的殖民主义管 理体制给它的东方殖民地带来的绝大多数都是俄罗斯式专制制度的负面影响。     

满铁在中国东北设立的科研机构

日俄战后,南满洲铁道株式会社(简称"满铁")成为日本"经营满洲"的先锋和主体。满铁作为日本在东北建立的殖民侵略机构,下设具有文化侵略性质和殖民主义性质的研究机构,在武装侵略中国东北及殖民统治过程中,客观上起到了日本军国主义邪恶帮凶的作用。     

英国和俄国殖民主义管理体制的比较分析

近代以来，西方殖民主义扩张历史贯穿着整个人类社会的发展进程。可以这样说，来自西方的殖民冲击直接决定了殖民地诸国最近几百年的发展道路；即使在非殖民化的今天，这种冲击的影响仍然在世界政治经济生活中继续存在。英国和俄国都曾经是这段历史上最庞大的两个殖民主义宗主国，它们当年的殖民主义扩张深刻影响着当今世界的地缘政治格局。本文通过对英国和俄国殖民主义管理体制的比较，从不同角度分析了两者的差异性及其形成原因；同时在比较分析的基础上，还对英俄两种不同殖民主义管理体制对于殖民地国家历史发展进程的影响进行了分析和评价。     

南非学者苏珊·博伊森谈当前南非政治形势

7月18日,应邀访华的南非伊丽莎白港大学社会科学与人文学院苏珊·博伊森博士与中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所的非洲问题学者就当前南非的政治形势进行了座谈.博伊森女士长期致力于南非政治研究,近年来又开始对南部非洲政治进行比较研究,以期对南部非洲多党制和民主制的成败进行评估.她曾多次访问纳米比亚、莫桑比克等南部非洲国家.     

南部非洲的新曙光

90年代伊始,南部非洲政治形势出现了新的可喜进展,最为世人注目的是两件事:纳米比亚独立和南非为结束种族隔离制度而开始的政治谈判。此外,安哥拉和莫桑比克的国内武装冲突,正在通过政治途径趋向解决。南部非洲在90年代初出现的种种变化,     

对南非局势的分析与展望

当前,南非正处于新旧体制交替之际,种族隔离制度已从法律上取消,新的政治制度即将通过制宪谈判来建立。本文拟就南非这一局势发展的成因和前景作一浅析。一南非的种族歧视产生于17世纪中期荷兰殖民者入侵并定居南非之时。1910年,英国殖民者建立“南非联邦”,把南非变为英国的自治领后,白人少数统治集团更开始强行推行种族隔离政策,先后抛出了350多种有关法律和法令,使种族主义渗透到南非社会生活的各个领域。半个多世纪以来,由于南非人民坚持不懈地进行反种族主义斗争以及     

白人民族主义与南非种族统治

南非现代国家形成的历史 ,正是荷兰人为主的欧洲人到这片土地上殖民、发展形成为新民族 (阿非利卡人 ) ,掌握种族主义统治权 ,后又不得不放弃这种少数人统治权 ,并适应多种族和解共生潮流的历史。南非当前许多社会问题的深层结构性根源也正在于 1 7世纪以来阿非利卡人对南非历史的深远影响 :他们在占据南非政治、经济统治地位的同时 ,主导了全社会一系列相对固定的种族和民族关系格局的形成 ;这种历史深层结构一旦形成就难以改变 ,甚至在南非政治上实现多种族平等后的相当长时间里都会是如此。因而 ,首先应该认识以民族主义形式表现出来的白人种族主义对南非种族统治的影响 ,以此透视政治与社会意识之间复杂的互动关系 ,最终全面消除种族统治的历史残留。     

‘Gunboats of soft power’: Boris on Africa and post-Brexit ‘Global Britain’

As Britain prepares to leave the European Union after the popular vote of June 2016, the government is embarking on the revision of foreign policy. Boris Johnson, or ‘just Boris’, has been entrusted with forging the new ‘Global Britain’ for the post-Brexit era and reinventing British economy around new relationships. Boris has a track record of misrepresenting and offending foreign peoples, leaders and countries. This article assesses the prospects for Africa in Johnson’s vision for ‘Global Britain’ as presented in his foreign policy speeches. The paper unpacks Johnson’s discursive construction of ‘Africa’ and inserts it into a broader historical and political context of British relations with Africa. It argues that, by constructing Africa as a ‘problem’ and offering liberal values as a condition for development, Johnson is continuing British imperial and post-colonial discourses of ‘developing’ or ‘civilizing’ Africa. In the post-Brexit world of a changing global balance of power, democratic conditionality serves to sustain and reproduce British forms of power and policies.     

祖马腐败案的演变与影响

祖马腐败案是世纪之交南非政治生活的一个中心议题。因其政治意义深远,被称为“南非腐败第一案”。自1999年案发以来,祖马腐败案先后经历了四个阶段的发展演变。祖马腐败案案情复杂,其马拉松式的审理过程反映了南非的政治现实和争论,成为各派主要政治力量集中进行政治博弈的舞台。从总体上看,祖马腐败案改变了南非政治格局,破坏了法律和南非领导人的公信力,削弱了执政党非国大的国内政治基础,损害了南非的国际形象,具有广泛的社会影响和深远的政治意义。     

Towards a new aid paradigm: South Africa as African development partner

As the largest African economy and the leading African aid-provider, with plans to establish an aid agency, South Africa is often ranked among the developing world's ‘emerging donors’. However, the country's development cooperation commitments are smaller in scope, scale and ambition than the aid regimes of the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China) or Gulf state donors. Given its limited resources and domestic socioeconomic challenges, South Africa prefers the role of ‘development partner’. In this role, South Africa's development cooperation in Africa has ranged from peacekeeping, electoral reform and post-conflict reconstruction to support for strengthening regional and continental institutions, implementing the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and improving bilateral political and economic relations through dialogue and cooperation. This article seeks to determine whether Pretoria's development cooperation offers an alternative perspective to the aid policies and practices of the traditional and large rising donors. We conclude that South Africa does not fit neatly the ‘donor’ category of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD's) Development Assistance Committee (DAC) and neither is Pretoria's aid-spending typically ‘ODA’ (official development assistance). Instead, with its new aid agency, South Africa occupies a unique space in Africa's development cooperation landscape. With fewer aid resources, but a ‘comparative advantage’ in understanding Africa's security/governance/development nexus, South Africa can play an instrumental role in facilitating trilateral partnerships, especially in Southern Africa.     

European interests in the SALT process

The ambitions of the global South for a larger share of global wealth and political power are at least partly being played out on the African continent. The increasing Africa--South relations seem to indicate a relative decline in Africa--North ties, with the shift in Africa's trade relations from North to South resulting in trade creation rather than trade diversion. The South partners are also providing much needed infrastructure development assistance to the continent. Politically, these relations are formalised in a host of frameworks and associations and operate in fundamentally different ways from those between Africa and its erstwhile colonial masters. It is doubtful, though, to what extent Africa's capacity to influence the global agenda is strengthened, especially given that not a single African country is (yet) a member of the ‘South Big Four’, the BRICs.     

新南非的包容性发展之路——非国大100周年纪念

南非曾经是种族矛盾和冲突最为严重的国家,300多年欧洲殖民者的征服和统治,造成了南非种族间政治、经济、社会的割裂与对抗。1994年南非废除种族隔离,建立了种族平等的民主制度。新南非政治社会变革和转型的进程,避免了很多人担忧的种族仇杀和动乱,关键在于坚持了包容性理念和政策,构建了以宪法为核心的一整套法律体系,以保障国家统一和公民基本权利为基本宗旨,在多元一体国家的建设中,取得了举世公认的社会进步。研究南非在新制度下的包容性发展之路,具有重要的现实意义和理论意义。     

Racial animosity and political party partisanship in South Africa: the case of the African National Congress and the Black African majority

As it is in many countries, racial rhetoric is a feature of South African national government elections. The use of such rhetoric provokes the question, how much is political party support in the country driven by interracial animosities? Using the nationally representative public opinion dataset, the South African Social Attitudes Survey, this article looks at party closeness to the African National Congress (ANC) amongst the black African population. The ANC is one of the oldest and most powerful political parties on the African continent and currently dominates South Africa’s parliamentary government. Constructing four indexes of racial attitudes and behaviours, the article investigates whether partisanship with the ruling party can be predicted by racial animosity. The period under investigation is 2010–2014. Bivariate and multivariate quantitative techniques are employed to test the relationship between ANC partisanship and racial animosity. The results of this investigation show that racial enmity in the country is troublingly widespread. Public opinion analysis, however, found no correlation between racial acrimony and ANC partisanship. Other factors are driving black African identification with the country’s ruling party. The implications of these results for the study for political party support in South Africa are discussed and future avenues of research presented.     

Review essay: Alternative histories of revolutionaries in modern South Asia: context,chronology, and archives

Abstract

This review essay discusses two recent monographs on revolutionaries and political violence in South Asia, Kama Maclean’s A Revolutionary History of Interwar India: Violence, Image, Voice and Text (2015) and Durba Ghosh’s Gentlemanly Terrorists: Political Violence and the Colonial State in India, 1919-1947 (2017). Ghosh and Maclean’s books contribute to an expanding body of scholarly work on anticolonial politics in India, a rich historiography on liberalism in the British Empire, and studies of visual culture and oral histories in modern South Asia. Specifically, Maclean’s A Revolutionary History centers on the Hindustan Socialist Republican Army (HSRA) in Punjab and Delhi in the late 1920s and early 1930s. Maclean reconfigures the political terrain of India’s independence struggle and illustrates the importance of revolutionary violence in nonviolent politics through unstudied visual sources and oral histories. In turn, Ghosh’s Gentlemanly Terrorists focuses on Bengal, particularly revolutionaries in the Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar from 1919 to 1947. Complicating the history of colonial constitutionalism as a gradual expansion of rights and representation, Ghosh demonstrates how constitutional reforms that aimed to promote liberal governance in India were tied to repressive emergency legislation. This review essay addresses how Gentlemanly Terrorists and A Revolutionary History contribute to ongoing efforts to rethink both the political chronology and the wider political landscape of interwar India by incorporating revolutionaries into the story of independence. It also considers how Maclean and Ghosh creatively utilize non-state archives and vernacular sources, in conjunction with colonial records, to follow the retelling of revolutionary histories in different media.     

Soft Power and the Currency of Sports: (Re)imagining South Africa’s Rising Hegemony in Africa

Commenting on the utility of sports as a development facilitating instrument, Nelson Mandela, in 2000, remarked that it “has the power to change the world. It has the power to inspire. It has the power to unite people in a way that little else can. Sport can awaken hope where there was previously only despair”. Madiba’s iconic statement captures the changing reality of the international system wherein states appreciate the soft power potential of sports as a subtle alternative for gaining political advantage in the international arena. This also lends credence to the argument that politics permeates all elements of social existence, including sports. In view of the preceding, this paper interrogates the rising attractiveness of South Africa in Africa and perhaps globally through the lens of its sporting engagements. From the last decade of the 20th century, South Africa’s status in the sporting world has attracted much international and scholarly attention. The article examines how South Africa negotiates the overlapping arena of politics, sports and foreign policy to normatively secure a regional hegemonic posture through a blend of strategies. These include successful bidding and hosting of sporting mega-events; involvement in the development of sporting codes and local sports content across Africa and a positive cumulative ranking in international competitions vis-à-vis other contenders for regional powerhood. The analysis takes the position that South Africa’s strategy of sports diplomacy masks its aspiration for regional hegemony and this pattern is uniquely relevant for shaping empirical understanding of power politics in Africa as well as appreciating the ideational potency of soft power as a constitutive element of what makes a regional hegemon.     

Democratization by association? Brazil’s social policy cooperation in Africa

The field of international development has undergone major shifts as South–South cooperation expands. New questions are being raised about the political implications of this cooperation, including with respect to democracy and human rights. In this paper, we analyse the role of Brazil, a democratic provider of South–South cooperation, in fomenting these principles in Africa. We find that explicit democracy promotion makes up a minority of Brazil’s cooperation with Africa. However, Brazil also engages in social policy initiatives which, despite not being labelled as democracy and human rights promotion, are inspired by Brazil’s own experiences with re-democratization—what we refer to as “democratization by association”. We argue that these initiatives—mostly geared towards institution-building in areas where Brazil seeks to promote itself as a hotbed of policy innovation—are disembedded from the political context in which they arose in Brazil. While this disembeddedness allows the Brazilian state to maintain its official discourse of non-interference, it also makes the political impact of Brazilian cooperation in Africa highly uncertain.     

Major-General Sir Douglas Gracey: Peacekeeper or Peace Enforcer?

Current events in Afghanistan have once again placed the political context of British forces acting in difficult circumstances under the global microscope. This article focuses upon the high policy difficulties of administering peacekeeping duties by examining the controversial role of Major-General Gracey in South Vietnam and Cambodia in 1945. Gracey's British and Indian troops were deployed in French Indo-China to oversee the surrender of Japanese forces and the liberation of the Axis occupied territory. But they quickly became entangled in peacekeeping duties between the returning French colonial regime and the emergence of various Vietnamese groups determined to take advantage of the power vacuum. By examining both primary and secondary sources and scrutinising Gracey's private papers this article attempts to reappraise a difficult period in British history.