共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 24 毫秒
1.
Domenico Lombardi 《The Review of International Organizations》2008,3(3):287-323
The World Bank Group (WBG) is a multilateral organization as well as a large financial conglomerate. The debate on its governance,
however, has mainly focused on how to ensure more inclusive decision-making by strengthening the voice and representation
of its entire membership. The WBG’s governance as a set of arrangements that enable the principal (shareholders) to oversee
the agent (management) has so far been overlooked, even though the adequacy of such arrangements is relevant in all institutions
wherein shareholders delegate to management the achievement of organizational objectives. In reviewing the institutional,
historical, and current underpinnings of the WBG’s decision-making, we elaborate on the extent to which the Group follows
best-practice corporate governance standards that have been designed with the aim of improving shareholders’ oversight. Drawing
from a methodology developed by the IFC, an entity of the WBG, we analyze the Group’s internal governance, highlighting which
aspects are furthest from (or closest to) current financial-sector best practices. In so doing, we provide a framework for
prioritizing the most critical areas in which the WBG’s governance falls short of private-sector standards, and we identify
the nature of possible remedies.
相似文献
Domenico LombardiEmail: |
2.
Martin S. Edwards 《The Review of International Organizations》2009,4(2):185-209
Public opinions regarding the international economic organizations (IEOs; the IMF, World Bank, and WTO) are understudied.
I contrast five lines of argument using a multi-country survey of developing countries, focusing on evaluations of the economy,
skills, gender, and ideology and measures of involvement with the organizations themselves. At the individual level, respondents
have negative views if they have negative views of the state of the economy. More educated respondents are more likely to
have negative views of the IEOs. Women are more likely to have positive views of the IEOs than men. National levels of engagement
with the IEOs also affect public evaluations of them. Evaluations of the state of the economy are more influential determinants
of IEO evaluations in states that receive IMF and World Bank loans, as well as in states that are active in WTO dispute resolution.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of the article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorised users.
相似文献
Electronic supplementary material The online version of the article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorised users.
Martin S. EdwardsEmail: |
3.
Trade interdependence between Europe and Asia has rapidly increased in recent years. Europe–Asia trade flows now constitute
a ‘third link’ in the global economy. As trade expands, however, global trade governance has declined and free trade agreements
(FTAs) have increased. Hence, the Global Europe strategy has been designed to enhance trade relations with emerging Asia which
is the most dynamic region in the global economy today. But Asia’s model of export led growth leaves it more exposed to shocks
emanating from outside the region than ever before raising questions about its sustainability. Deep integration agreements
between Europe and Asia are needed to foster economic growth. They also need a development dimension to help Asian countries
address their key development challenges.
Brigid Gavin was the Research Coordinator of the workshop on ‘Deep Integration and North–South Free Trade Agreements: EU Strategy for a Global Economy’ which provided the papers and discussion forum for the articles in this special edition. The workshop took place at the
United Nations University-Comparative Regional Integration Studies (UNU-CRIS) centre in Bruges, Belgium on 19–20 June, 2008.
She wishes to express her thanks to Mr Luk Van Langenhove, Director of UNU-CRIS for financial support and to all the authors
and participants in the workshop for their contribution to making this project a real success. A special word of thanks goes
to Lars Nilsson, Chief Economist Unit, DG Trade, European Commission for his opening presentation to the workshop.
Alice Sindzingre is Research Fellow, National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS), University of Paris and Visiting Lecturer
at School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. This analysis draws from her paper ‘The EU Economic Partnership Agreements with Africa’ which she presented at the workshop and available on the UNU-CRIS website.
相似文献
Brigid Gavin (Corresponding author)Email: |
Alice SindzingreEmail: |
4.
Kenneth A. Reinert 《Asia Europe Journal》2007,5(3):317-330
Agriculture has been the most contentious issue in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations, and the European Union
(EU) intervenes substantially in agricultural markets. This paper reviews these interventions in light of the EU’s participation
in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations with specific attention to Asia. It concludes that the offers made by
the EU were designed precisely to avoid any real liberalization in its agricultural markets and have undermined the development
aspirations of the round.
相似文献
Kenneth A. ReinertEmail: |
5.
Increasing attention is being paid to IMF governance and operations, but not to how IMF programs are differentiated under
the array of available lending windows. This paper examines empirically the economic and political circumstances associated
with the use of IMF facilities. It therefore extends existing research into the determinants of IMF arrangements by investigating
the extent to which different influences are at work in the case of different facilities. Focusing initially on extended arrangements
as compared to stand-bys, the results indicate that although initially the facilities were used in different economic circumstances,
since the mid 1980s these differences have largely disappeared. Instead the differences between user countries have become
more political than economic. There are, however, some differences between concessionary and non-concessionary facilities
beyond the income levels of countries using them. The policy implications for the range and design of the Fund’s lending windows
are discussed.
相似文献
Dane RowlandsEmail: |
6.
Weiqing Song 《Asia Europe Journal》2007,5(1):67-82
The contradiction between trans-boundary issues largely driven by globalisation and conventional authority based on sovereign
state leads to the problem of global governance. Regionalisation emerges as a process in which nation states within geographic
proximity take collective measures to cope with problems of global governance. With the increasing tendencies of regional
cooperation, a new issue thus arises as to the interaction among regions. In fact, the more regionalized the world, the more
necessary, enabled and willing for regions to construct connections with each other. Inter-regionalism and trans-regionalism
therefore become a further step which regional blocks take to build one layer in the hierarchy of global governance. The paper
takes the Asia–Europe Meeting as the case to analyze the above thesis. In the first section, it presents the observation that
the global system is characterized with regionalisation, then analyzes the coordination problems facing regions interdependent
upon one another and then formulates a modified framework for analysis of the Asia–Europe Meeting. In the second section of
rational design, it analyzes the process in which Europe and Asia rationally establish the cooperation structure of ASEM as
a means to tackle the coordination issues between the two regions. In the third section of governing globalisation, it discusses
the effects and implications of ASEM’s contribution towards global governance mainly in ways of rationalizing international
relations and strengthening regional identity in the era of globalisation.
相似文献
Weiqing SongEmail: |
7.
Peter J. Middlebrook 《Asia Europe Journal》2008,6(1):101-118
This paper outlines measures to strengthen the sustainment of peace processes through the ‘valued’ utilization of external
financial assistance, in line with the proposed ‘right-financing’ framework (see Middlebrook, P (2006), http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Right-financing).
While the right-financing concept has relevance across the entire public and private investment spectrum, its application
to the peacekeeping and post conflict reconstruction agenda is equally relevant given concerns regarding rising costs; US$5.03
billion in 2006 alone, and more than US$36 billion since 1948. When additional costs for peace enforcement and post conflict
reconstruction exercises are factored in, to be measured in untold billions of US dollars (Middlebrook and Miller, Lessons
in post conflict reconstruction from the new Afghanistan compact, 2006), the cost represents an increasingly heavy drain on
the tax payers whose demands for increased services at home may 1 day see the ‘end of aid’ as the world currently knows it,
unless its effectiveness is substantially increased. In so doing, this paper proposes corrective measures to strengthen financing
arrangements to enhance the effectiveness and efficient utilization of scarce international resources.
Peter J. Middlebrook formally an economist with the World Bank, is the Managing Director of Middlebrook & Miller, a leading consultancy and think tank working with the EU, DFID, ADB and OECD among others towards strengthening development finance, economic growth and state restructuring. He was the coordinator of the US$27 billion Securing Afghanistan’s Future post conflict needs assessment and led the first ever World Bank review of security expenditures. He is a peer reviewer on the OECD DAC Implementation Framework towards Security System Reform and has assisted in the drafting of National Security Policies in Afghanistan, Sierra Leone and Ethiopia. 相似文献
Peter J. MiddlebrookEmail: |
Peter J. Middlebrook formally an economist with the World Bank, is the Managing Director of Middlebrook & Miller, a leading consultancy and think tank working with the EU, DFID, ADB and OECD among others towards strengthening development finance, economic growth and state restructuring. He was the coordinator of the US$27 billion Securing Afghanistan’s Future post conflict needs assessment and led the first ever World Bank review of security expenditures. He is a peer reviewer on the OECD DAC Implementation Framework towards Security System Reform and has assisted in the drafting of National Security Policies in Afghanistan, Sierra Leone and Ethiopia. 相似文献
8.
Astrid Fritz Carrapatoso 《Asia Europe Journal》2008,6(2):229-243
The trade and environment interface has become a topic of growing importance. Until the early 1990s, the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the World Trade Organisation (WTO), were the major forums to address the relationship
between trade and the environment. Significant progress in this area has not yet been made. Since the 1990s, environmental
issues have been addressed by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and in recent times by trans-regional and bilateral
free trade agreements (FTAs) such as the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (SEP), the U.S.–Singapore
FTA (USSFTA), the Canada–Chile FTA or the New Zealand–Thailand Closer Economic Partnership Agreement (CEP). Not only questions
on the effectiveness of FTAs in global and regional environmental governance arise but also on the various actors involved
in these negotiations. The question here is whether the integration of environmental issues in FTAs is a top-down approach,
leaving the negotiations and implementation of environment cooperation frameworks in the hands of governments, or whether
environmental arrangements are the result of a multi-stakeholder dialogue, consequently committing governments, the private
sector and civil society to the objective of making trade and environmental policies mutually supportive. This article seeks
to address these questions by analysing environmental issues and stakeholder participation in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC), the Trans-Pacific SEP and the New Zealand–Thailand CEP.
相似文献
Astrid Fritz CarrapatosoEmail: URL: http://www.politik.uni-freiburg.de |
9.
The EU sets considerable store by the need for its Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) now under negotiation with Asian countries
to contain a sustainable development chapter with clear references to respect for the core ILO labour standards. While they
reject the sanctions-based approach demanded by the European trade unions, they accept that some real enforcement mechanisms
will be needed. Among Asian countries, Korea is most likely to accept some form of a social clause, while India and certainly
some ASEAN countries strongly oppose it. This article explores the prospects for mutual agreement on this thorny issue at
the bilateral level which, to date, has failed at the multilateral level.
相似文献
Dick GupwellEmail: |
10.
With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union the large economic space of the Eurasian super-continent has also become part of the world-wide globalization process. How this process of integration of Eurasia is proceeding in key areas of cross-continental linkages is of great importance for the future of the region and for the future of the World as a whole. One of the key questions will be whether the regional and global institutions can provide adequate support for this integration process.This paper was presented as a keynote speech at The Fourteenth OSCE Economic Forum in Vienna on 23 January 2006. It draws on a longer paper by (Linn and Tiomkin in press).The authors are, respectively, Executive Director of the Wolfensohn Initiative at The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC, USA, and MBA and MPA/ID candidate at Harvard University. Johannes Linn served as Vice President for Europe and Central Asia at the World Bank from 1996 to 2003.
相似文献
Johannes F. Linn (Corresponding author)Email: |
David TiomkinEmail: |
11.
In this paper, we present a vision for IMF surveillance that seeks to produce a more accountable, transparent, and independent
surveillance process. First, to make surveillance more focused, the IMF’s assessment should be principles-based; that is,
the Fund should assess the overall coherence of exchange rate, monetary, fiscal and financial policies, with a view to analyzing
their effects on external stability. Second, the IMF should have a governance structure that increases incentives to support
candid, transparent assessments of surveillance. In practice, this entails a different role for the Executive Board: the Board
will set out the Fund’s strategic framework for surveillance; the Managing Director and the staff will conduct surveillance.
These reforms clarify the roles and responsibilities of the IMF and its member countries in the surveillance process. Also,
our proposed reforms aim at making surveillance more even-handed and objective. We believe that this principles-based approach
can bolster the credibility and legitimacy of surveillance, giving the Fund greater influence on the economic policies of
members.
相似文献
Eric SantorEmail: |
12.
J. Lawrence Broz 《The Review of International Organizations》2008,3(4):351-374
The United States is the largest contributor to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, providing resources
in exchange for voting power in these international financial institutions (IFIs). While the Treasury Department manages the
day-to-day aspects of US participation in these institutions, Congress retains authority on funding. With the aim of understanding
the microincentives of US support for the IFIs, I analyze congressional voting on bills to fund the IFIs. I argue that members
of congress are more likely to support a funding increase (1) the more “liberal” their ideology, (2) the larger the share
of campaign contributions they get from banks that specialize in international lending, and (3) the larger the share of voters
that gain from economic globalization that reside in their districts. Statistical analyses of voting on five IFI funding bills
since 1977 provide support for these arguments.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
J. Lawrence BrozEmail: |
13.
James Llewelyn 《Asia Europe Journal》2006,4(4):583-605
While Indonesia’s policy of Confrontation towards Malaysia brought it into direct military conflict with Britain, this same event prompted Japan to pursue its first explicit postwar diplomatic initiative. Due to different strategic goals for the region, Britain and Japan’s approaches to Indonesian bellicosity were markedly different. Notably, while Britain took a hard-line stance with President Sukarno, Japan in contrast took a lenient approach eschewing economic and diplomatic isolation of Indonesia. With a latent warming in Anglo–Japanese ties beginning in this decade, this paper demonstrates that despite their antithetical approaches to this Southeast Asian crisis bilateral relations were not adversely affected.
相似文献
James LlewelynEmail: |
14.
The ‘coordinate plane of global governance’ developed in this paper describes the trade-off between static gains and dynamic
losses associated with international policy harmonization. A simple model illustrates how potential gains result from producing
positive international spill-overs, whereas potential losses come from restricted systems competition between national policy
regimes. The solution to this model allows identifying the cut-off level between policies suitable for global harmonization
and policies which should better not be centralized. An application of the concept to selected policy fields illustrates its
relevance for decision-making on global governance.
相似文献
Oliver LorzEmail: |
15.
The aim of this article is to answer the question what kind of global security architecture emerged after September 11 and
what functions Europe, East Asia and the United States assumed in this triadic structure. The empirical findings reveal that
the transpacific security cooperation is the strengthening link in this global security structure, the transatlantic security
cooperation the weakening one and the Asia–Europe Security Cooperation is to be seen as the emerging link. In order to explain
these different institutional manifestations of transregional cooperation, different theories of International Relations are
applied to the three cases. It comes as no surprise that neoinstitutionalism and constructivism offer the best insights into
the formation and development of international institutions.
相似文献
Howard Loewen (Corresponding author)Email: |
Dirk NabersEmail: |
16.
Norbert Palanovics 《Asia Europe Journal》2006,4(3):365-379
Japan positioned itself in a special situation among the aid donor countries. This paper presents the trends in Japanese Official Development Aid policies in the new Millennium, provides an overview and discussion of the characteristics of Japanese ODA, and examines the different views and critiques that have arisen regarding Japan’s development aid policies. The paper’s goal is to highlight and interpret the latest developments and reforms of Japan’s ODA administration and strategies, its strengths and weaknesses, and to understand how ODA is becoming a more strategic, a stronger political, diplomatic and foreign policy tool in the hands of the Japanese government.
相似文献
Norbert PalanovicsEmail: |
17.
World history has known areas of relative isolation and areas of high intensity of cultural interaction. The Mediterranean
Sea, the Silk Road or the Straits of Malacca can be cited as such crucial contact zones. Within these areas, centres sprung
up that served as interfaces between cultures and societies. These “hubs” as we would like to call them, emerged at various
points throughout the contact zones, rose to prominence and submerged into oblivion due to a variety of natural calamities
or political fortunes. This paper assesses the rise and fall of trade and knowledge hubs along the Straits of Malacca from
before colonialisation until today. Historical hubs of maritime trade and religiosity today increasingly establish themselves
as educational and knowledge hubs. This leads us to speak of the Straits of Malacca as a chain of—not pearls—but knowledge
hubs with Singapore as the knowledge hub in the region shining the brightest of all, as the data suggest. We aim to conceptually
grasp this development by suggesting a model or at least a hypothesis about the rise and movement of knowledge hubs in general.
相似文献
H.-D. Evers (Corresponding author)Email: |
A.-K. HornidgeEmail: |
18.
Bessma Momani 《The Review of International Organizations》2007,2(1):39-57
Current IMF reform proposals are preoccupied with changing governance structures by reallocating Executive Board chairs and
quota shares and with expanding and altering the Fund’s surveillance role, but not enough attention has been paid to whether
organizational change at the staff level is also needed. IMF staff have intellectual dominance and discretion in the design
of loan conditionality, writing of surveillance reports, and provision of technical and policy advice. There are also clear
internal and external criticisms of how the Fund’s organizational culture—that is perceived to be hierarchical, technical/economistic,
bureaucratic, and homogeneous/conforming—negatively affects the Fund’s policy output and relationship with borrowing members.
This article suggests altering ’how things are done’ at the IMF by making changes to recruitment and organizational structure.
相似文献
Bessma MomaniEmail: |
19.
Regionalisation of higher education services in Europe and East Asia and potential for global change
César de Prado Yepes 《Asia Europe Journal》2007,5(1):83-92
International provision of higher education services in both European and East Asian countries increasingly have a regional
dimension. The European Union has since 1987 promoted the mobility of students, faculty, and content through its Erasmus Programmes.
The ‘Bologna’ process that began in 1998/1999 now brings over 40 European countries together to create a European Higher Education
Area by the end of the current decade. Meanwhile, East Asian countries (10 in ASEAN, plus P.R. China, Japan and South Korea)
are also in a process of internationalising their higher education sector with an increasing regional component. Led by Japan,
the “ASEAN+3 study group on facilitation and promotion of exchange of people and human resource development” advanced a comprehensive
report, welcomed by the East Asian leaders meeting in October 2003, that strives for regional promotion of lifelong learning
programs; credit transfer systems; scholarships and exchange programs for students, faculty, staff; research and development
cooperation; ‘centres of excellence’ including e-learning; and curricular development as bases for common regional qualification
standards among interested institutions. Both regional processes could reinforce each other in various ways, but possibly
chiefly through the Asia–Europe Meeting (ASEM) process, unique among various recent inter-regional dialogue and cooperation
processes around the world. Moreover, European and East Asian converging higher education processes could help the rest of
the world through world inter-regionalism, and through an overhaul of international organisations dealing with higher education.
This research was mainly funded by a grant from the Spanish Ministry of Education, Secretary of State for Universities and
Research, cofinanced by the European Social Fund. A research fellowship from the Japan Foundation’s Japanese Studies and Intellectual
Exchange Department is also kindly acknowledged.
相似文献
César de Prado YepesEmail: |
20.
Shujie Yao 《Asia Europe Journal》2006,4(2):197-209
A common perception is that China has relied on the expansion of labour-intensive industries and flooded the world market with cheap but low to medium level technology products. Although it has become the third largest exporting nation, China has failed to create a large number of big businesses that can compete with the world’s leading multinational companies (Nolan (2004)). The Chinese government has long been aware of the weakness of its development strategy and has been trying to improve its own technological capacity through investments in basic research, innovations and the application of new technologies, utility models and designs. China’s strategy on science and technology can be best described by the so-called ‘walking with two legs’ principle. The first leg is based on building up domestic research and innovative capacity. This is through investments in research institutes, universities and LMEs. China’s second leg has been to build up its technology capacity through its open policy and attracting FDI and technology. China has made significant advances in the following areas regarding science and technology.
China also has a number of weaknesses in science and technology.
相似文献
– | Research and innovative activities have been encouraged and supported by the central and regional governments. |
– | More research and innovative activities are encouraged in the LMEs. |
– | HEIs have become increasingly important for research and innovative activities. |
– | The export-push strategy and encouragement of FDI inflow are two important venues for importing advanced foreign technologies. |
– | Research expenditure has not kept up with economic development. |
– | There are not enough big businesses that are highly innovative and cannot compete effectively with the world’s largest multinational enterprises. |
– | China is weak in the key industries that are intensive with advanced technologies, computer software, aircraft, automobile and electrical appliances, etc. |
– | Most of the LMEs are state-owned and are renounced for their inefficiency and loss-making. |
– | China has greatly depended on foreign technologies for its economic development. |
– | China’s expenditures on science and technology have been low by international standards and low compared to its fast economic growth. |
– | China’s economic growth has been heavily dependent on investments and labour and not so much on technological progress and efficiency improvement. |
Shujie YaoEmail: |