试论作家苏童童年生活对作品的影响

苏童是苏州人，在苏州出生，生长到18岁才离开苏州北上北京求学，苏州对于青少年时期的苏童的影响是巨大的。大学时期就热衷于从事文学创作的苏童，在写作时就自然会将文学的触角伸向自己所熟知的青少年时期生活，因此苏童的作品中有很多故事是写南方的、写苏州的。苏州对于苏州籍的作家苏童来说影响是深远的。     

管窥考茨基的艺术观

卡尔·考茨基是第二国际的主要领导人之一，也是著名的马克思主义理论家。尽管考茨基晚年背离了马克思主义，但考茨基的艺术观始终是无产阶级的可靠的财富。《艺术和自然》是考茨基的艺术观的集中表述。《艺术和自然》论述了艺术的三个维度：艺术的本质；艺术与自然；艺术与经济。考茨基认为艺术是有意识的活动，艺术是融汇多样化的和谐整体。他站在唯物主义立场提出艺术要向自然学习。考茨基在文章中着重论述了艺术和经济的复杂关系。研究考茨基的艺术观对于丰富马克思主义艺术理论、对于研究马克思主义艺术思想的演变、对于建设有中国特色的马克思主义艺术理论都具有重要的理论价值。     

PPBS in Nigeria: Its origin,progress and problems

One of the normative models of budgeting prescribed for the Third World countries is PPBS. This paper examines the attempts made by the Nigerian Federal Government to make PPBS part of its budgeting system. Although the idea of PPBS was first highlighted by the 1974 Udoji Public Service Review Commission, it was only in 1980 that a serious attempt was made to start experimenting with PPBS. It was hoped that, by the end of the 1983, PPBS would be fully utilized in all the government ministries and departments. It was the intention of the government to use PPBS to achieve a ‘coordinated and comprehensive’ budgetary system that relates cost with output in order to achieve ‘quick results’ in the implementation of its programme. However, as at the end of 1986, apart from documentary reform (that is improvement in classification of expenditure categories in the budget documents), not much was achieved in Nigeria. In addition to the general difficulties encountered with PPBS in other places where it was tried, the effectiveness of PPBS was circumscribed by a variety of institutional, economic and political factors. The paper concludes by asking whether the exercise was not a retreat from the reality facing the country.     

汉初三阶段:治、富、教

汉初六十多年可以大体分为三个阶段:刘邦夺取政权以后,采取一系列措施巩固政权。社会稳定以后,到文帝、景帝,发展生产,节约开支,社会达到极其富裕的程度。但富裕以后,汉初社会文明程度较差,暴露出许多问题,因此发展教育、提高文明程度,就成为社会的迫切问题。汉武帝立五经博士,大办学校,发展文化教育,独尊儒术,实现了物质与精神双富裕的盛世。     

Two reversals in Israeli politics: why 1992 was not 1977

Twice elections caused sharp changes in Israeli politics—once in 1977, and again in 1992. The 1992 shift was smaller, but the major difference was that the 1977 election put an end to the era dominated by Labor. It climaxed a realigning electoral era which was grounded in ethnicity and established new and durable election groupings. The issue of the territories was significant in the 1977 reversal, but in the 1992 turnover it was central and the elections were predominantly issue-based. There was an increased willingness to compromise on the territories; disaffection with the Likud's performance rose: and the Likud government expenditures on the settlements in the territories served as a powerful wedge issue.     

Intelligence and the ‘Mindset’: The German invasion of Norway in 1940

‘Weserübung’, the German invasion of Norway and Denmark on 9 April 1940, was a brilliantly successful surprise attack, both strategically and tactically. Strategic surprise was obtained because the idea that Germany was about to launch a major invasion of Norway was remote from any of the preconceived scenarios about Germany's next move. Germany's achievement of tactical surprise was also aided by bad weather in the North Sea. The main reason for the failure of both Norwegian and British policy-makers to comprehend what the Germans were up to lies in the importance of the ‘mindset’. On both sides of the North Sea the conventional wisdom was that Germany would not attempt an invasion of Norway against the supremacy of British sea power. Hence all incoming information was interpreted in Oslo in the light of the next mindset, namely that only a determined British attempt to take control of the Norwegian coast could trigger an armed German retaliation. In London, incoming intelligence was interpreted so as to conform to the Admiralty's preconceived scenario of a German naval breakout into the North Atlantic.     

赵宗复与阎锡山的教育思想之比较——以进山中学时期为例

赵宗复与阎锡山同是山西人,由于两人的思想信仰与精神追求不同,在教育思想上虽然有着共同点,但也存在着明显差异。其相同点在于注重学生德智体全面发展、加强学生服务社会能力的培养等。其不同点在于阎锡山办学思想具有狭隘性,以个人意愿及利益为前提,为自己培养出后备力量。而赵宗复则从国家和民族利益出发,坚持把科学民主和爱国先进思想贯穿于整个教学过程中,使进山中学在当时以民主进步而享有盛名。     

Blind and disabled persons awarded federally administered SSI payments, 1975.

State agencies made medical determinations on 975,000 applications filed by the blind and disabled in 1975. Forty percent were found eligible for federally administered payments, and 60 percent were found ineligible. Nine out of 10 of the awardees were adults. Forty percent of these adults either had no occupation or no occupation was reported. Among both adults and children, the leading cause of disability was mental illness. Nearly 1 out of 3 adults was awarded benefits on the basis of mental disorders. The proportion of children determined disabled by mental illness was about twice that of adults. More than one-half of all children awarded benefits were mentally retarded. Among adults, the second most frequent disabling impairment was cardio-vascular disease; among children, it was diseases of the nervous system and sense organs.     

The National Interest and the Politics of Threat Exaggeration: The Blair Government's Case for War against Iraq

During the 2005 General Election the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Gordon Brown, suggested that the invasion of Iraq was in 'the national interest'. Whether he knew it or not, this phrase has often referred to controversial decisions taken by governments, away from scrutiny and subject to criticism when made public, but which they believe are in the best interests of the British state.
The article summarises the consequences of the invasion in terms of the subsequent criticism and official inquiries before addressing the question of what is the national interest. The article then considers what exactly was the threat, and whether or not it was exaggerated, and what evidence is now emerging to indicate that the decision to invade was taken 'in the national interest'. It concludes that there was a decision to support the USA and that the threat was exaggerated to justify this decision.     

Do (Some) Canadian Voters Punish a Prime Minister for Calling a Snap Election?

Are voters willing to punish a prime minister for calling an 'unnecessary' snap election for purely opportunistic reasons? This paper examines voters' reactions to the Canadian prime minister's decision to call a snap election in November 2000. The decision provoked limited resentment, and that resentment was strongest among partisans of the opposition parties and among those who follow politics closely. Those who do not keep up with politics, it seems, either did not realize that the election was precipitous or simply did not care. The paper shows that resentment about the election call was a consideration in vote choice, but it was a decisive consideration for a very small group of voters. We estimate that the electoral cost to the incumbent Liberal Party was one percentage point. Some voters are prepared to punish prime ministers for opportunistically calling a snap election, but in this case the electoral penalty was small.     

From agribusiness to agriculture

Abstract

One way in which colonialism injured Africa was through the rupture it caused in the integration of the civil with the political aspect of her social life. That integration was one of the strong points of traditional society. Indeed, in traditional life the distinction between the state and civil society was largely inoperative. This seamless‐ness was, however, not complete. It was still possible in traditional times to distinguish between societies with states and societies without state apparatus. The Zulu of South Africa are an example of societies with an organized state, while the Tallensi of Ghana exemplify societies without state apparatus.     

Village viability assessment procedures in Tanzania: Decision-making with curtailed information requirements

This article explains the methods developed for gathering necessary data to make assessments of village viability in Tanzania during the period 1975-78. The need for methods arose out of the consolidation into villages of dispersed rural settlements and the problem encountered by an unknown number of new villages of deficiencies in the available and accessible physical environment. What was required was a means of identifying those villages where priority should be given to population resettlement and the identification of new village sites. The initial attempt at establishing a standard village viability assessment procedure involved devising a procedure which assumed the need for a high level of environmental data. This presupposed the use of staff with considerable expertise, and, given the scale of the problem, this expertise was not available. A revised procedure was therefore developed which was based on more realistic assumptions about what was available. This involved making fresh estimates about the level of expertise, the amount of assessment time available and the degree of data accuracy required. On the basis of field testing a revised approach was developed. The main features of this approach are outlined, and the merits of the approach discussed.     

礼制与致仕制度

致仕制度是古代行政管理制度的重要组成部分。有关致仕的规定基本上是源于礼制,由于礼制不是法制,所规定的老、病、忠、孝等原因的自请致仕,仅是一种道德行为,不能规范社会政治制度,所以需要法律的强制力予以保障。在以礼入制、以礼入法、以礼入政的前提下,致仕制度逐渐向法制化转变。由于受到礼制的制约,致仕制度的法制化进程非常曲折,而在行政包揽一切和“人治”的情况下,致仕制度最终没有完成法制化。     

CSIR 1926–1939

The Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR, later to become CSIRO) was established in 1926 to replace the pre-existing Institute of Science and Industry. Its beginning was suffused with an optimism based on surpluses in Commonwealth revenues in the years 1926–8, an optimism which was reflected in the action of the Parliament in voting the sum of ł500,000 to be placed to the credit of a Trust Fund to give the new organization a good start. This amount was the exact sum which was mentioned by the then Prime Minister, W. M. Hughes, in his burst of enthusiasm, in December, 1915, when he first launched the Advisory Council of Science and Industry.     

Fragments of a History of the Theory of Self-Consciousness from Kant to Kierkegaard

Abstract

In the development of modern philosophy self-consciousness was not generally or unanimously given important consideration. This was because philosophers such as Descartes, Kant and Fichte thought it served as the highest principle from which we can ‘deduce’ all propositions that rightly claimed validity. However, the Romantics thought that the consideration of self-consciousness was of the highest importance even when any claim to foundationalism was abandoned. In this respect, Hölderlin and his circle, as well as Novalis and Schleiermacher, thought that self-consciousness, itself, was not a principle but must be ranked on a minor or dependent level, and presupposed the Absolute as a superior but inaccessible condition or ground. This reservation did not hinder them from recognising that the foundationalist Fichte was the first to have shown conclusively that from Descartes, via German Rationalism and British Empiricism, up to Kant, self-consciousness was misconceived of as the result of an act of reflection by which a second-order act bent back upon a first-order act that is identical to itself. This conception entailed circular entanglements and infinite regresses, and was too high a price to pay. Whereas Fichte thought pre-reflexive self-awareness was a philosophical principle, the Romantics and their vehement critic Kierkegaard, abandoned the idea of self-consciousness as a foundational starting point of philosophy. Instead, they founded self-consciousness on transcendent Being, a prior non-conceptual consciousness (‘feeling’) and reproached Fichte for having fallen back into the repudiated reflection model of self-consciousness.     

略论传统中国严格执法的阻抗因素

法制是传统中国政治的重要组成部分，但严格执法却做得不够，甚至不大讲究。问题在于：传统中国是君主专制国家，奉行人治、礼治而非法治，其间阻抗严格执法的因素很多。主要表现为：法自君出，而君权无限，君、臣常漠视成法；德主刑辅，礼法冲突时，则屈法伸礼；法律虚无，狱吏位卑，舞文弄法、出入人罪；立法技术上的一些问题也使成法难守易破。这些因素共同作用，严格执法不仅难，而且无法克服。这使法律缺乏应有的威信与尊严，其消极影响是现代法治建设应当着力避免的。     

President Clinton's Fiscal 1998 Budget: Political and Constitutional Paths to Balance

This article examines President Clinton's FY 98 budget proposals and the political and economic factors that led to the balanced budget agreement. Also explored are the constitutional approaches to fiscal discipline: the balanced budget amendment, the tax supermajority amendment, and the line item veto that was used 80 times by President Clinton to delete over a billion dollars. The analysis reveals that budget bargaining was continuous before and after the budget agreement was reached, moving downward from decisions on macro-budgetary totals to micro-budgetary choices on tax cuts and appropriations. The study concludes that President Clinton was relatively successful in achieving budgetary goals under divided government, that the agreement was significant despite the economic growth that made it easier, and that constitutional remedies will continue to be important in the coming years.     

Improving the organization and management of civil service training in Zambia

This paper describes the first phase (1981-1984) of a programme being carried out by the Government of Zambia to improve the organization and management of in-service training for civil servants. General guidelines for an effective training function are outlined. These are compared to the problems of civil service training in Zambia in 1981, where responsibility was fragmented, co-ordination was poor, work concentrated on routine administration, and the background of training staff was often inappropriate. A set of recommendations was agreed for resolving these problems, including the creation of a central training directorate and a cadre of full-time training staff. The package of proposals was designed to increase accountability, improve co-ordination, improve the quality of training staff, and introduce systematic training procedures. The progress with implementing these changes is evaluated; the greatest progress was in setting up the cadre of training staff, although significant progress was also made in other areas. The paper concludes that the conditions for an effective training function have been created and that a longer-term programme to develop the new training cadre is now required. The Zambian example provides a possible model for any country thinking of introducing similar changes.     

Frances Harriet Williams: Unsung Social Equity Pioneer

Frances Harriet Williams was an unsung social equity pioneer in the field of public administration. Long before the Minnowbrook I Conference convened in the 1960s to discuss the importance of fairness in the provision of public services, Williams successfully promoted values of social equity and racial fairness within public administration scholarly and practitioner communities. Raised by progressive parents in the South, Williams was the only high‐ranking African‐American woman in the federal government during President Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration. She was directly involved in leading the Office of Price Administration to a staff that was at least 13 percent black when the rest of government was no more than 1 percent black. This work was the focus of her 1947 article in Public Administration Review, the first publication on racial equity to appear in the field's flagship journal. Her efforts and accomplishments undergird many of the ideals and practices that constitute the concept of social equity in public administration today.