美国促进低碳发展的法律演进

一、自下而上：地方气候创新行动 长期以来，作为世界上人均温室气体排放量最大的国家，美国在应对气候变化问题上一直消极对待国际气候变化谈判、设法逃避自己的历史责任。从1997年《京都议定书》达成到2007年《联合国气候变化框架公约》第14次缔约国大会，美国政府始终拒绝承担任何强制性温室气体减排义务，导致美国成为迄今唯一没有签署《京都议定书》的发达国家。相对于联邦政府的消极作为，     

英国低碳经济法律政策及其启示

为了应对气候变化给人类生存环境带来的巨大挑战，国际社会已开始对现有的以化石能源支撑的经济发展模式进行深刻反思。1990年12月，联合国大会成立政府间谈判委员会，制定了《联合国气候变化框架公约》。1997年12月，149个国家和地区的代表在日本京都召开的气候变化公约第三次会议上，通过了旨在限制发达国家温室气体排放量的具有法律约束力的《京都议定书》。     

哥本哈根会议与我国低碳经济的法制保障——以受试者的知情告知切入

尽管《哥本哈根协议》是不具有法律约束力的成果,但该协议基本上维护了《联合国气候变化框架公约》及《京都议定书》确立的＂共同但有区别的责任＂原则,就发达国家实行强制及安排和发展中国家采取自主减缓行动做出了安排,并就全球长期目标、资金和技术支持等焦点问题达成了一些新的共识,因此它可以列入人类应对气候变化进程的标志性成果之一。哥本哈根会议之后,在温室气体减排面临更大压力的情况下,我国应变压力为动力,推动低碳经济,这既是履行我国减排国际承诺的要求,也是我国实施可持续发展战略的必然选择。我国应对低碳经济法治建设,特别需要紧密结合我国的国情,注意维护我国环境核心利益,完善我国的低碳经济立法体系。     

气候变化的国际法发展:从温室效应理论到《联合国气候变化框架公约》

本文考察了温室效应理论对缔结《联合国气候变化框架公约》的决定性影响 ,并对《联合国气候变化框架公约》的基本法律原则 (规则 )及其对国际环境立法的贡献进行了述评。     

《气候变化框架公约》履行的环境法解释与方案选择

《气候变化框架公约》及其议定书是人类应对气候变化所制定的总体规划和实施细则,但是,由于其和其他环境法公约一样具有环境法的"软法"特质,一些《气候变化框架公约》的履行机制出现了许多值得探究的边白。以"震慑型"方案还是"激励型"方案为主,需要从《气候变化框架公约》的履行理论切入,深入剖析,对此两种方案进行理论、实证博弈分析,得出《气候变化框架公约》履行方案的应有选择,为今后其他国际环境条约的履行提供相关指导。     

从《京都议定书》生效带来的压力和挑战看中国气候变化立法

旨在遏制全球气候变暖的《联合国气候变化公约京都议定书》(以下简称《京都议定书》)已正式生效。作为《京都议定书》的缔约国之一,《京都议定书》的生效在一定程度上影响或将会影响我国环境立法尤其是气候立法。本文从《京都议定书》的主要内容出发,提出用立法来应对气候变化以及议定书生效对我国带来的挑战和压力。在此基础上,对我国现有的气候立法变化的体系进行了简要概述,并对完善我国现有气候变化法律提出了若干建议。     

日本应对气候变化的法律机制及其对我国的启示

全球气候变化问题已经引起了人们广泛关注,日本在应对这一问题时起步较早,已经初步形成法律机制,而我国还停留在国际政治博弈层面,尚未列入立法议事日程。本文指出作为全球温室气体排放第二大国,我国应该着手研究相应法律对策并考虑制定相关法律,研究日本应对气候变化法律机制对我国意义重大。     

食物权视野下应对气候变化的法律路径

气候变化问题危及粮食安全,破坏食物可及性,并关涉人类的生存与发展。食物权与气候变化问题之间存在着紧密的关联性。《经济、社会及文化权利国际公约》第11条规定的食物权内在地要求国家承担减少排放温室气体等最低限度的环境保护义务。构建基于食物权的应对气候变化的法律制度,符合中国的现实需求。气候变化问题的全球性、长期性以及中国发展转型期的特殊性也客观上要求我国应当以保障食物权为基础来构建应对气候变化的法律,从而主动适应与减缓气候变化。     

欧盟温室气体排放监测管理体制立法经验及其借鉴

作为欧盟应对气候变化战略实施基础保障的欧盟温室气体排放监测管理体系,是欧盟应对气候变化能力建设的重要组成部分,担负履行国际减排义务和推进欧盟排放贸易体系的重要职能。该体系包括京都框架下以"三可"为核心的管理制度和EUETS框架下基于测量计算和统计口径的一致性为核心的管理制度,并通过二者的协调与对接,形成以立法积极推进为特征的权责明确、内容具体、分工协作的管理框架和企业排放监测、报告、核证及注册登记为核心的管理制度。以上经验对于我国构建和完善两个市场和领域的温室气体排放监管法律制度体系,创新与完善温室气体减排政策体系,具有重要的借鉴意义。     

控制温室气体排放的国际法机制

控制温室气体排放的现有国际法机制促进了减排活动，但同时也存在着一些不足。因此要更有效地控制温室气体排放，必须完善现有国际法机制。     

气候变化损害的国家责任:虚幻或现实

人类活动导致的气候变化是当前全球生态系统和人类生存所面临的最大威胁之一。受历史积累因素的影响,无论各国如何控制、削减温室气体排放,气候变化造成的损害仍不可避免,而气候变化损害的国家责任也日益成为国际社会无法回避的现实问题。作为一种特殊的跨界损害,气候变化损害无论在国际不法行为的认定还是因果关系的确定方面,都对现行国家责任制度提出了挑战。由于诸多障碍的存在,追究气候变化损害的国家责任在目前尚不具备充分的现实可行性。不过,来自国家责任的潜在压力至少有助于敦促各国积极改善温室气体排放政策,并就气候变化损害的救济尽快制定切实有效的全球性解决方案。     

气候变化的国际法之秩序价值初探

价值理念贯穿于法律运行的整个过程 ,并对法律运行起着相应的指导作用。气候变化的国际立法活动 ,也必然受到相关价值理念的指导。在气候变化问题日益严峻的挑战面前 ,气候变化的国际法应当执著地追求秩序价值。而要真正实现秩序价值 ,就必须及早将气候变化的国际法所向往和追求的秩序价值外化为具体的、有效的应对气候变化问题的措施、手段和行动     

‘US, China and the Economics of Climate Negotiations’

Despite the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol, the US decision not to comply with its Kyoto commitments seems to drastically undermine the effectiveness of the Protocol in controlling GHG emissions. Therefore, it is important to explore whether there are economic incentives that might help the US to modify its current decision and move to a more environmentally effective climate policy. For example, can an increased participation of developing countries induce the US to effectively participate in the effort to reduce GHG emissions? Is a single emission trading market the appropriate policy framework to increase the signatories of the Kyoto Protocol? This paper addresses the above questions by analysing whether the participation of China in the cooperative effort to control GHG emissions can provide adequate incentives for the US to re-join the Kyoto process and eventually ratify the Kyoto Protocol. This paper analyses three different climate regimes in which China could be involved and assesses the economic incentives for the major world countries and regions to participate in these three regimes. The main conclusion is that the participation of the US in a climate regime is not likely, at least in the short run. The US is more likely to adopt unilateral policies than to join the present Kyoto coalition (even when it includes China). However, a two bloc regime would become the most preferred option if both China and the US, for some political or environmental reasons, decide to cooperate on GHG emission control. If the US decides to cooperate, the climate regime that provides the highest economic incentives to the cooperating countries is the one in which China and the US cooperate bilaterally, with the Annex B_?US countries remaining within the Kyoto framework.     

China and climate justice: moving beyond statism

China is the largest national source of greenhouse gas (GHG) pollution causing climate change. However, despite some rhetorical progress at the 2011 Durban climate conference, it has consistently rejected calls to take on binding targets to reduce its GHG emissions. The Chinese Government has understandably argued that developed states are responsible for the predominant share of historical GHG emissions, have greater capacity to pay for the cost of mitigation, and indeed have an obligation to do so before China is required to take action. However, due to the explosive growth in its GHG emissions, China is now in a position to single-handedly dash any hope of climate stability if its position does not change. On the diplomatic level, other big polluters, particularly the United States, will not enter into new binding agreements to reduce substantially their own GHG emissions without a credible commitment from China. Challenging the “statist” framing of the climate justice, this article explores the possibility for China to take on a leadership role in climate change diplomacy in a way that allows it to maintain its long-standing principled resistance to binding national emissions targets while making meaningful progress toward combating the problem. Action by China’s rapidly growing affluent classes may hold the key to long-term climate stability.     

The Role of Flexibility Mechanisms in EU Climate Strategy: Lessons Learned and Future Challenges?

The main objective of this paper is to examine the evolution of European Union (EU) climate strategy, scrutinising in particular developments in EU's views on the so-called flexibility or Kyoto mechanisms. In brief, the paper argues that there has been a gradual change in EU's views, from the role of a sceptic in the run-up to Kyoto towards becoming more of a frontrunner on emissions trading in recent years. The need to 'save Kyoto' and the protracted development of EU climate policy are highlighted as two of the most important drivers behind this process of change. This paper also discusses some of the lessons learned from international negotiations and the development of EU climate policy. Finally, and drawing upon the lessons learned, the paper explores key future challenges for the further development of EU climate strategy.     

The Alchemists: How the Policies of Brazil and the United States Turned Base Commodities into Black Gold,but at What Cost?

As the world attempts to mitigate climate change by reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, new energy alternatives are being explored to replace fossil fuels. One major fuel alternative that is subsidized and now comprises 10–15 percent of the fuel stock used for vehicles is biofuels. Despite lower GHG emissions from biofuels, there is still significant environmental degradation that can result from the production and refinement of biofuels, especially given the insufficiency of the water regulatory regime to manage water depletion and degradation that are occurring in the two largest producers of the feedstock for these fuels—the United States and Brazil.     

Analysis of the governance architecture to regulate GHG emissions from international shipping

Despite the substantial and likely increasing contribution of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from international shipping and the related adverse impacts on global climate change, GHG emissions from international shipping are yet neither regulated by the Kyoto Protocol, nor through any other legally binding, internationally accepted regulation. This paper is looking into the governance architecture that is currently in place to regulate GHG emissions from international shipping with a view to analyze whether the institutional degree of fragmentation within this architecture is contributing to the current situation where no legally binding, internationally accepted regulation has been set up yet. Following the hypothesis that the degree and the characteristics of governance fragmentation have a crucial impact on the effectiveness and performance of a governance system, this paper focuses on the current architecture of climate change governance in international shipping and the institutional interplay between its actors. Therefore, the analytical framework builds on approaches from international environmental governance, regime theory, institutional interplay, and fragmentation in international governance architectures.     

论气候变化语境下的国际服务贸易法适用问题:以一般例外规则为视角

各国日益重视采用服务贸易措施应对气候变化,我国WTO服务承诺亦与气候变化相关。因措施通常视成员是否承担减排义务而给予不同待遇,容易违反非歧视原则,一般例外是判断措施合法性的关键。一般例外适用于气候变化时将面临措施性质认定、必要性测试、发展中成员可否利用引言获得特殊待遇等诸多难题。为确保一般例外适用的可预见性并妥善平衡贸易与气候变化,需强化贸易与气候变化的相互支持,解决一般例外法理的连贯性不足等缺陷,避免僵化解释,力争规则更新修改。     

Carbon Flows between the EU and Eastern Europe: Baselines, Scenarios and Policy Options

We develop baseline data and an analytical framework for understanding the role that flows of carbon between the Former Soviet Union/Commonwealth of Independent States (FSU/CIS) and the European Union (EU) may have in enabling the EU to meet major reductions in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in the medium-term future. The paper sets out an analysis of contemporary flows of carbon between the EU, EU Candidate Countries and the FSU/CIS, and outlines two scenarios for investigating how flows may develop in the future under different assumptions about climate and energy policy. The 'trading' scenario assumes unconstrained trade in tangible (mainly gas) and intangible (tradable emissions permits) flows of carbon from the FSU/CIS to the EU. The 'autonomy' scenario assumes limits to carbon flows and a subsequent requirement for high levels of domestic de-carbonisation in the EU (e.g. energy efficiency and indigenous energy sources). We conclude that neither scenario is feasible or desirable, but that even a combined approach, which sees trade complemented by tough domestic action, still requires far greater efforts than are currently planned.     

Emissions Rights and their Transferability: Equity Concerns over Climate Change Mitigation

Existing literature on equity considerations for climate change mitigation has largely focused on fair burden-sharing at an inter-national level without adequate attention to equity concerns at the intra-national level. However, disparities between regions and income groups within nations pose perhaps more equity concerns over climate change mitigation than those between nations. While international equity can be agreed upon via political negotiation among nations, the poor in both developed and developing countries may not be guaranteed their fair allocation of emissions rights because the necessary institutional framework has yet to be established at both international and national levels. This paper distinguishes three parts of emissions rights and discusses their transferability in view of equity concerns. The author suggests that basic necessity emissions rights are not transferable and non-necessity emissions are fully marketable, while individual contributions to state are subject to collective decision-making or political manipulation at the international level. The exact share of each of the three parts is subject to further investigation, but unlimited free trading of emissions rights is likely to result in equity concerns at both inter- and intra-national levels. Further examination in quantitative terms would represent an interesting case study for a better understanding of the issue.