跨国集团企业文化的"地方全球化"

我们知道,企业文化是企业生产经营活动中物质和精神文化的集合.具体而言,就是企业长期的经营活动中形成的共同理念、价值观、行为准则和道德规范的总和.从企业文化的组织结构来看,它具有三个层次:有形的表显层、无形的中间层和无形的深层.企业文化的表层是第一层,主要包括企业的厂房、设施、机器设备、产品、服务、厂容、厂貌以及员工的精神面貌等,呈现为外显形态;第二层为中间层,主要涵盖了企业组织结构中的各项规章制度以及生产方式,表现出的是制度形态;第三层是深层,主要体现出了企业的价值观、思想理念,表现出的是精神形态.作为工业实体的跨国集团的企业文化同样具有这三个层次的内容.我们从企业文化的表层、中间层和深层这三个方面的因素来尝试着解读跨国公司在全球化市场经营管理和市场营销中所表现出的"地方全球化".     

"9·11"后大国关系变化的动因、特点与前景

"9·11"事件后,大国关系显示出差等式的力量结构与复合式多边均衡结构并存的局面,一个突出现象是大国力量消长集中在亚洲的次区域层面,中亚地区已成为美国实现其国家利益最为关键的核心战略地带.半年来,大国关系中单边主义外交甚嚣尘上,但也存在着找到一条大国间平等互利、协调共进的发展合作途径的可能.     

中亚地区中俄美关系的结构

中俄俄美在中亚地区的关系呈现出两种基本形态,一种是三边结构,中俄美都是独立的一极;另一种是两边结构,中国和俄罗斯联合为一边,美国为另一边.这两种形态混合存在,各有其意义,它们都反映出中亚大国关系结构的基本特征.     

转型时期泰国政治力量的结构分析

在发展中国家由传统社会向民主化转型过程中,国家政治力量结构呈现出新旧交替、传统与现代的博弈局面.作为国家政治结构的主要力量,官僚阶层、军队与政党之间存在着一种动态的三角关系.在泰国的政治结构中,官僚阶层是基本的和不变的常量,军队始终发挥着重要的干预变量角色,而政党是一种集合性变量.本文通过分析泰国三大政治力量的结构及相互关系,推演出泰国现当代政治格局发展的基本规律.     

东南亚国家的政治变革与社会转型

二战结束后,伴随国家独立和经济发展,东南亚国家的政治制度、社会结构和形态发生深刻变革.在这一过程中,东南亚国家没有照搬西方的发展模式,而是自主地寻求适合自身实际的发展类型和方式,形成了新的经验和新的模式.东南亚政治社会转型证明了发展理念和发展模式的多样性.     

共建"一带一路":一个基于制度分析的理论框架

针对学界对"一带一路"的属性认知与学术定位比较分散这一现象,文章从制度视角考察了古丝绸之路的形成与历史变迁.作为物质形态的丝绸之路承载着东西方商贸流通、文明对话的重要功能,在长期的演化进程中,逐渐内化为一种制度,协调中国与沿线国家的关系.而"一带一路"倡议所体现的"共商共建共享"的全球治理观正是在现代话语体系下对丝路精神的传承与创新,其多元性、复合性、开放性、关系性及互补性表现出对现有国际制度创新的典型特征,是一种能兼容贸易、金融、货币、发展等治理领域的多边制度.这一创新性设计,使得"一带一路"建设具有减少交易成本、提高资源配置效率、提升经济合作绩效的制度功能.随着"一带一路"的走深走实,客观上需要"一带一路"合作进一步制度化,形成更高水平的国际合作机制.制度分析有助于对"一带一路"的高质量发展加以理论研究.     

关于苏联、民族国家与"人"-"地"关系的对话

施展:冯老师,我最近写了两篇关于俄罗斯的文章①,文中有些非常规性的设想,可能是我作为一个非专业的俄罗斯研究者因无知而无畏吧.但也正因此,心中难免惴惴,想听听您的批评意见. 冯绍雷:这两篇文章我读过了,都还比较有意思.你的第一篇文章探讨了俄罗斯的帝国性,这是一个长久的话题了,它与俄罗斯内在的巨大矛盾性形成了一种共生关系--我注意到你也引述了别尔嘉耶夫的观点,俄罗斯内在的矛盾性正是他孜孜求索的谜题.你这篇文章有意思的部分在于最后关于"欧亚合众国"的设想,设想通过这样一种政体结构,化解掉俄罗斯的帝国性与现代性之间的矛盾张力.严格来说,这种探讨并不是一种严谨的经验性研究,但是作为一种充满想象力的政治学思考,从这个角度来论述还是值得肯定的.     

对马克思"跨越资本主义卡夫丁峡谷设想"的思考

马克思关于"跨越资本主义卡夫丁峡谷"的设想是一个争论不休的问题.从历史的角度分析,马克思提出这一设想是与马克思思考当时俄国的实际历史相联系的,是为了使俄国革命与西欧革命相配合而提出的一种设想,并不是一种成熟的革命理论.历史证明这一设想也是不能实现的.因此后来的俄国十月革命的胜利并不是马克思跨越设想的实现,而只是在俄国生产力不发达的历史条件下的一次社会主义实践,具有理论和实践的创新性.但是,苏联等社会主义国家的建设实践严重违背经济发展规律,企图人为地超越历史发展阶段,结果带来的却是历史的倒退和人民的灾难.     

试论当代菲律宾国内的三种政治形态

菲律宾在向现代国家转变的过程中,形成了三种特殊的政治形态.一是传统庇护制与现代西方民主制相结合的政治庇护制,内部为垂直的金字塔式联结结构,主导其国内政治主流.二是南部以亲缘关系、地域分隔为基础的部族政治,其内部的分裂特质使其在与中央政治庇护制度碰撞结合时,极易诱发部族或家族间的大规模政治仇杀,2009年11月举世震惊的菲律宾政治大屠杀即为明证.三是以水平方向联结为特征的大规模民众政治运动,如三次"人民力量"运动及各种民众组织,由垂直政治庇护网络内部张力而致.分析这三种政治形态间的关系,可更加深入了解菲律宾国内政治全貌.     

"色彩革命"与独联体的未来

吉尔吉斯斯坦变局表明,独联体内部的新一轮"民主化"浪潮继续上涨.这是继苏联解体之后,原苏联国家确立新国家身份的延续.如果说,苏联解体解决了这些国家"离开谁"的问题,那么"色彩革命"则将解决"靠近谁"的问题.这一进程不可避免地会对独联体产生重要冲击.一系列"色彩革命"之后,格鲁吉亚、乌克兰等独联体"民主先锋"的角色、立场将发生重要变化,独联体内部因"民主化"问题而引发的矛盾将进一步凸显,俄罗斯在独联体的威信可能继续下降,独联体未来发展前景堪忧.     

State Continuismo and Pinochetismo: The Keys to the Chilean Transition

There have been two parallel processes in Chilean political economy during the 1990s. A high profile has been accorded to the transition from authoritarianism to democracy and its related debates. A relatively low profile has been accorded to the continuity in the state model of capitalism that was implemented under authoritarianism. This paper argues that transition can be best understood in terms of the role of Augusto Pinochet and his strategies for maintaining power – Pinochetismo. As such, his forced retirement from political life marks the end of transition. The second point is perhaps of more importance however. The democratic political regime has intensified the model of capitalist accumulation of the 1970s and 1980s and socio-economic polarisation has been perpetuated. While the focus on the nature of transition during the 1990s was necessary, there has been a failure to question the social relations established by capitalism. With the end of transition in July 2001, the greatest challenge for Chilean democracy now lies in creating a state based on social relations that serves the needs of the majority rather than the desires of the few.     

威权政治下的宪法权威--二战后东亚国家的政治体制转型

威权政治是在"整体号召机制"下施行的"强人政治".在威权政治下,宪法在文本上享有至上权威,在实践中则因遭受政治权威的贬抑而被规避、被僭越,这既是威权政治得以施行的前提,又是施行威权政治的逻辑结果.宪法权威之奠立有赖于威权政治向民主政治的转换,同时,民主政治的建设也有赖于奠定宪法统治的至上权威,两者是互补共生的.     

新加坡:权威主义,还是精英民主?

在新加坡的政党制度类型上,有些学者同意亨廷顿的观点,认为新加坡实行一党制,因此是权威主义国家.笔者不同意这种观点.本文从新加坡的政党制度是一党独大制入手进行研究,认为新加坡是有限民主国家,又由于新加坡在治国实践上奉行精英主义,因此认为它是精英民主国家.     

Everyday authoritarianism: a political anthropology of Singapore

Observers of Singapore agree that its state is authoritarian. Complicating such accounts of Singaporean authoritarianism, this paper shows authoritarianism is not simply state-driven or top-down as commonly assumed but involves diffuse governing processes. The paper describes a recent high-profile case involving Amos Yee, an eighteen-year-old blogger who made a video mocking Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s founding prime minister, shortly after Lee’s death in 2015. The teenager was incarcerated for the video, but only after ordinary citizens filed police reports and subjected him to online and physical abuse, suggesting that the people were acting as the state’s partners in punishment. Yee’s case shows that authoritarianism can have an everyday dimension and that it can be reproduced by ordinary citizens who punish fellow citizens perceived to be acting in adversarial manners towards the nation-state. The everyday authoritarianism of recent years is a reassertion of patriotism – a response to the insecurities caused by the rapid movement of people, capital, and ideas in the neoliberal economy. Everyday authoritarianism helps explain the longevity of Singaporean state authoritarianism, how it has managed to withstand multiple democratic challenges, and why it may survive long after Lee Kuan Yew, its chief architect, is dead.     

A Welfare State for Whom? A Group‐based Account of the Austrian Freedom Party's Social Policy Profile

What explains the social policy profile of populist radical right parties (PRRPs)? Building on the argument made by Mudde (2007) that socio‐economic policies are secondary elements within the populist radical right ideology, this paper conjectures that the primary elements of that ideology (nativism, authoritarianism, and populism) structure the PRRP's attitudes in the social policy domain. Based on a discussion of the PRRP's core ideology a number of expectations are derived as to which groups should be viewed as deserving or undeserving of support. These expectations are examined through an analysis of the social policies put forward in the election manifestos of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) between 1983 and 2013. The analysis confirms most of the expectations and highlights an important shift in the FPÖ's social policy agenda, from welfare populist arguments and some retrenchment proposals under Jörg Haider to strong welfare chauvinism after the leadership change in 2005.     

比较政治学在东南亚权威主义研究中的新进展:议题、方法与趋势

自21世纪以来,比较政治学研究发生了从"民主转型"到权威主义政治的转向,东南亚的权威主义国家也得到了比此前更多的关注。现有研究已经建立起系统的理论分析框架,形成了从权威主义起源到运作过程,再到持续结果的主要研究议题,出现了以斯雷特、比宾斯基和布朗利为代表的学者群体,他们分别提出了抗争政治与权威主义利维坦形成、执政党组织与权威主义持续性以及精英联盟关系与经济危机结果等理论。这些研究采用了诸如控制式比较、过程追踪和正负面案例的比较分析方法,并引入了时间和空间等维度去发展和检验理论。在未来的研究中,澄清起源和运作过程对权威主义持续结果的作用以形成统一的理论框架,在权威主义韧性外引入经济发展、社会稳定和公共福利等国家治理维度的议题,拓宽研究视野,将区域政治与国别政治相结合,是东南亚权威主义三个值得进一步探讨的研究方向。     

The five shades of grey: party systems and authoritarian institutions in post-Soviet Central Asian states

ABSTRACT

This article overviews and seeks to explain the processes of party system formation in the post-Soviet Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) by focusing on a crucial party-system property, fragmentation. The analysis reveals that to a much greater extent than in democracies, where party systems are largely shaped by societal factors, the level of party system fragmentation in autocracies is determined by the scope of presidential powers, as entrenched in the formal institutional order and reflected in the national constitution. The level of authoritarianism is largely inconsequential for party system fragmentation, while the role of electoral rules is secondary. Institutionally weak and institutionally strong autocratic presidents have a preference for fragmented party systems, while presidents with an intermediate range of powers seek and obtain low levels of party system fragmentation.     

Proliferation of neopatrimonial domination in Turkey

ABSTRACT

Literature on Turkey’s post-2011 authoritarian turn – especially after the eruption of the 2013 nationwide Gezi Protests – adopts modern concepts such as ‘dictatorship’, ‘authoritarianism’, ‘totalitarianism’, ‘one-party government’, ‘party-state fusion’, and even ‘fascism’ mainly in order to pin down the nature of the Justice and Development Party (AKP, Turkish acronym) or depict the current character of Turkey’s regime. Through engaging the pre-modern concept of neopatrimonialism, which is derived from Max Weber’s concept of patrimonialism, this paper argues that Turkey’s encounter with authoritarianism is deeply associated with the proliferation of neopatrimonial domination, into which the legacy of patronage politics, fracture of security power, and the metastasis of crony capitalism have been conflated. This article argues that neopatrimonial features have always, to a degree, marked state-society relations in Turkey. Furthermore, this article suggests neopatrimonial characteristics started to dominate Turkey’s modern legal structure under the AKP, which led to a state crisis culminating in the 2016 attempted coup. However, despite the fact that neopatrimonialism cannot be argued as a pathological deviation from modern-legal domination, this paper concludes that tension exists between the crony capitalism-based economic model of neopatrimonalism and Turkey’s decades-long market-based capitalism.     

Introduction: Understanding Thailand’s Politics

ABSTRACT

Thailand’s politics from the mid-2000s has seen considerable conflict and contestation, with seven prime ministers, two military coups, and scores of deaths from political violence. This article, as well as introducing the eight articles in the Special Issue, examines various aspects of this tumultuous period and the authoritarian turn in Thai politics. It does this by examining some of the theoretical and conceptual analysis of Thailand's politics and critiquing the basic assumptions underlying the modernisation and hybrid regimes perspectives that have tended to dominate debates on democratisation. While the concepts of bureaucratic polity and network monarchy shed light on important political actors in Thailand, they have not grappled with the persistence of authoritarianism. In theoretical terms, the article suggests that it is necessary to understand historically specific capitalist development as well as the social underpinnings that establish authoritarian trajectories and reinforce the tenacity of authoritarianism.     

Post-authoritarian Indonesia

Abstract

The article assesses the post-authoritarian situation in Indonesia in the light of experiences of Thailand and the Philippines, two societies in which the unraveling of authoritarianism has been followed by the rise of formal electoral politics. The authors suggest that the demise of authoritarian regimes in all three cases, born of the cold war, has more fundamentally seen the reconfiguration of politics in which dispersed, predatory, and frequently antidemocratic forces have appropriated the institutions and discourses of democracy. They also suggest that the Indonesian case has been less conducive to the emergence of effective pro-democracy, civil society-based movements in the wake of authoritarianism. This, they explain, is largely the consequence of the 1965 anticommunist massacres in Indonesia, which has no equivalence in the other two countries, and the resultant highly centralized authoritarianism that was more successful in disorganizing social and political opposition for three decades.