The peripatetic career structure of the British diplomatic establishment, 1919-39

The first part of this article examines the development of the career structure of the British diplomatic establishment after the reforms of 1919-20, arguing that the peripatetic career identified with the prewar Diplomatic Service became increasingly common for all members of the new amalgamated service between the two world wars. The average length of posting to an overseas mission or one of the geographical departments in London seldom exceeded three years or so. The second part of the article then speculates on the impact of the peripatetic career on the effectiveness of the British diplomatic establishment, suggesting that it had both postive and negative impacts.     

The peripatetic career structure of the British diplomatic establishment, 1919-39

The first part of this article examines the development of the career structure of the British diplomatic establishment after the reforms of 1919-20, arguing that the peripatetic career identified with the prewar Diplomatic Service became increasingly common for all members of the new amalgamated service between the two world wars. The average length of posting to an overseas mission or one of the geographical departments in London seldom exceeded three years or so. The second part of the article then speculates on the impact of the peripatetic career on the effectiveness of the British diplomatic establishment, suggesting that it had both postive and negative impacts.     

《奉俄协定》是苏联重新控制中东铁路的“再保险条约”

十月革命前二十余年,俄国与日、美等国在中东铁路上的激烈角逐中,虽然失去了中东铁路＂南满＂支线,但仍然控制着中东铁路东北北部的干线,并利用其对东北北部进行了二十余年的殖民统治。十月革命后,苏联在一段时间里失去了对中东铁路的控制,但它从来没有忘记再度操纵中东铁路。在复杂的东北亚国际关系中,1924年9月20日,苏联与中国东北的张作霖地方当局签订《奉俄协定》,恢复了苏联对中东铁路的大部分控制权。这不仅使苏联重返东北亚的政治舞台,而且也在一定程度上影响了20世纪20年代东北亚国际关系的发展进程。     

Decline and fall of the Versailles settlement

W.N. Medlicott, Douglas Dakin and M.E. Lambert (eds.), Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939, First Series, Volume XX. German Reparation and Allied Military Control 1922. Russia, March 1921-December 1922 (London, Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1976). 970 + lxx pp. £23. ISBN 0-11-591553-2

W.N. Medlicott and Douglas Dakin (eds.), assisted by Gillian Bennett, Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939, First Series, Volume XXII. Central Europe and the Balkans 1921. Albania 1921-2 (London, Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1980). 885 + cxii pp. £45. ISBN 0-11-591555-9

David S. Newhall, Clemenceau. A Life at War (The Edwin Meilen Press: Lampeter, 1991). 682 + xv pp. £35.95. ISBN 0-88946-785-4

J. Calvitt Clarke III, Russia and Italy against Hitler. The Bolshevik-Fascist Rapprochement of the 1930s (Contributions to the Study of World History No. 21, Greenwood Press: Westport, Connecticut, 1991). 218 + xvii pp. £59.95. ISBN 0-313-27468-1

David Dutton, Simon. A political biography of Sir John Simon (Aurum Press, 1992). 364 + viii pp. £25. ISBN 1-85410-204-4

Peter Neville, Neville Chamberlain. A study in failure? (Personalities and Power Series, Hodder and Stoughton, 1992). £5. ISBN 0-340-56308-7     

Curzon, Lloyd George and the control of British foreign policy, 1919-22: A reassessment

This article reappraises the complex relationship between Lord Curzon and Lloyd George in the years between the former's appointment as Foreign Secretary and the latter's fall from office as Prime Minister in 1922. It argues that the widely held view that Lloyd George held Curzon in contempt and marginalized him in the conduct of foreign affairs is not accurate. Their relationship is presented as being one of mutual respect and significant levels of cooperation. The article thus questions the extent to which the Foreign Office suffered an 'eclipse' in this period.     

Sir George Clerk and the struggle for British influence in central Europe, 1919-26

During the Great War, Sir George Clerk was a senior Foreign Office official, strongly sympathetic to the cause of the 'oppressed nationalities' of Austria-Hungary and the liberal ideals associated with the journal, The New Europe. In 1919 he was granted a unique opportunity to shape the face of the New Europe when he embarked on his mission to Hungary. As British minister to Czechoslovakia in the early 1920s, Clerk harnessed his idealism for the Czechs to his ambition to make Prague a centre of British influence and power in central Europe. Though this policy ultimately failed, Clerk showed a greater rapport and sympathy for the Czechs than any of his successors.     

《里斯本条约》后的欧盟政治发展

<里斯本条约>改革的核心实际上在于政治层面,从此欧洲一体化的重心从经济联盟转向了政治联盟的建设.政治联盟的建设主要体现在制度设计上,里约对欧盟进行了不少重要的制度创新和制度调整.里约改革使得原有的国家与超国家欧洲一体化分析范式面临挑战,国家与超国家的区分在新的欧盟中不再那么明显.把里约后的欧盟理解为一个超级国家,也许更能反映里约改革的真正意图.     

简评《联合国反腐败公约》的影响

20 0 3年 12月 9日 ,来自全世界 10 0多个国家的政府代表出席了联合国在墨西哥南部城市梅里达举行的国际反腐败高级别会议 ,并签署了对国际社会具有重大意义的《联合国反腐败公约》(以下简称《公约》)。《公约》是联合国历史上通过的第一个用于指导国际反腐败斗争的法律文件 ,从而为世界各国政府执行对腐败行为的定罪、惩处、责任追究、预防、国际法律合作、资产追回以及履约监督机制提供了法律依据。除强调预防等思想外 ,《公约》所强调的“坚持各国依法独立开展反腐败的同时加强国际合作”等思想也将对世界各国产生巨大影响。①首先 ,《公…     

Necessary Illusions: Misperception,Cooperation, and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty

A significant and growing body of literature related to security regimes focuses on the importance of either common knowledge or common norms to the success of efforts to limit military competition. This paper challenges this central pillar of the arms control literature. Security regimes, in particular arms control regimes, are not necessarily the product of common knowledge, norms, or shared identities. Rather, actors can and sometimes do cooperate because they do not fully understand one another and lack information. In these cases, examples of what I will refer to as “imagined intersubjectivity”—the mistaken belief that two actors share information, norms, and identities when in fact each has an idiosyncratic understanding—the lack of information is crucial for international cooperation. I analyze the record of the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty negotiations. Through process-tracing, I will argue that three crucial moments in the negotiation process were premised on a misunderstanding of the position of the other party. The implications for cooperation without intersubjectivity are then explored.     

The San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Disposal of the Japanese Territory

As the San Francisco Peace Treaty has violated the principle of not making a separate armistice or peace with the enemy and denied the allies’ provisions for the disposal of Japanese territory, it is illegal and invalid, and cannot form the Japanese legal basis for their so-called Diaoyu Islands being Japan’s inherent territory.     

东南亚条约组织的成立与苏联的对策（1954-1956）

冷战时期，美国为集中力量遏制苏联，力图在亚洲构筑一条由近海岛屿链组成的战略防线。由于印度支那战争法国的惨败，美国为防止在对苏联包围圈上出现漏洞，积极策划东南亚条约组织。由美国拼凑的东南亚条约组织的建立，不仅在亚洲制造新的紧张气氛，而且，在一定程度上对苏联的国家安全造成威胁。为此，苏联迅速采取对策，在对外政策上改变斯大林时期的一些做法的同时，也对美国进行战略反攻。