共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Stephen L. Harris 《政策研究评论》2004,21(6):743-766
This project has embedded in it an explanation of the structural and relational power transmission process stemming from “micro-actions” in global financial relations. This paper is about domestic policy adaptation in international and domestic finance and how it occurs. The fundamental contention of this paper is that the way to understand power in global finance is to provide an answer to the question: Who makes the rules in finance—state actors or nonstate actors? The answer to this question is problematic in the IPE literature because of both the enormous influence of finance in the councils of the industrial democracies and the information asymmetries that favor power in finance. Finance, it is argued, has the determining influence on the rules governing its industry. The dependent variable in this analysis is the policy output—the regulation and liberalization decisions of states. The behaviors of the state and of other policy actors in the policy process are the independent variables. 相似文献
2.
Terry Narramore 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(1):87-108
Abstract Ever closer relations between China and Europe over the last decade have sparked speculation about an emerging axis or balance of power vis-à-vis the United States. China, the European Union and its key member states have expressed a preference for a more balanced international order based on multilateral institutions. Despite a rapid and extensive expansion in economic and political relations between China and the European Union, there is no evidence for balancing against the United States in strategic areas. Rather, the variations in the positions of China, the European Union and the United States can more accurately be seen as policy or interest bargaining. Because the European Union does not share US security interests in the Asia-Pacific region, the European Union and its key member states can seem at variance with the US position on China. Bargaining over the failed attempt to lift the European Union's arms embargo against China shows that the European Union and the United States are not so far apart on strategic issues in the Asia-Pacific. 相似文献
3.
Valérie Shimizu‐Niquet 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(2):163-170
The rhetoric of US foreign policy since the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 September 2001, would suggest that there has been a fundamental shift in US foreign relations. This is often summarised as a shift from multilateralism to unilateralism and, in the context of the war on terrorism, concomitantly a shift from geo-economic to geopolitical priorities. The rhetoric of the fight against the ‘axis of evil’, however, may simply cloud underlying continuities in US relations with Asia. Nevertheless the process of coalition-building by the Bush administration in the ‘War on Terrorism’ has impacted on the distance Asian countries have been able to maintain in relation to the United States. The case studies presented in this special issue raise a number of important issues concerning perceptions and the practice of US hegemony and the complex links between leadership and ‘followership’ at the inter-state level. They also draw out the impacts engendered by US–Asia relations on the wider phenomenon of regionalisation in the Asia-Pacific region. 相似文献
4.
5.
6.
Ann Capling 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(5):601-622
Abstract For the past two decades, ‘engagement with Asia’ has been a central theme in Australian public policy and public debate about Australia's place in the world. The commitment to Asian engagement has been shared by both sides of federal politics throughout this period; however, when in government the Labor Party (1983–96) and the Coalition (1996–2007) pursued radically different approaches to this common objective. This article contrasts and evaluates the differing approaches adopted by the Labor and Coalition governments, in the context of the domestic and regional debates and controversies that accompanied them. In particular, it seeks to explain why Australia is more engaged with Asia than ever before, in seeming defiance of the widespread criticism of the Coalition government's particular approach to Asian engagement. 相似文献
7.
Conceptualising the policy engagement of interest groups: Involvement,access and prominence
下载免费PDF全文

While much progress has been made in empirically mapping and analysing a variety of interest group activities in the last decade, less attention has been devoted to conceptual work that clearly defines and distinguishes different forms of policy engagement. This article contributes to this endeavour by developing a theoretical framework that explicitly links currently available measures of the policy engagement of groups to the distinct concepts of group involvement, access and prominence. It argues that greater conceptual clarity will lead to better accumulation of knowledge in the sub‐field and a better understanding of the role of interest groups in political systems. 相似文献
8.
敬业度研究的进展及展望 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
敬业度指的是组织成员在工作角色中于生理、认知和情感三方面的自我投入和运用。近年来学者们的主要关注点在敬业度的特征、结构、测量和作用机制与工作倦怠、工作满意度等相关变量的关系,以及对工作绩效等的影响。文章对敬业度的研究进行了较为全面的总结,并指出了这一领域今后的研究趋势和方向。 相似文献
9.
张南日 《铁道警官高等专科学校学报》2001,11(1):23-26
本文在论述自白证据规则相关问题的刑事诉讼的修改目标等的基础上,提出了自白证据的采集规则、自白证据的采信规则和保障自白安全的规则. 相似文献
10.
Public Choice - Peter Bernholz has described how ideologies and religions with supreme values have used violence to accomplish their goals. We describe the transformation of supreme values through... 相似文献
11.
Lucia Boxelaar Mark Paine Ruth Beilin 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2006,65(1):113-126
The public policy process in Australia is changing towards a more interactive, collaborative model, where governments seek to develop partnerships with civil society and private sector organisations to manage complex policy challenges. This article discusses research conducted into a project implemented by a Victorian government department that sought to involve stakeholders in addressing natural resource management issues in the agricultural sector. The research revealed that public administration practices associated with the new public management approach impeded the ability of the project to facilitate participation by diverse stakeholders in the decision‐making process. The article challenges the view that the discourse of collaboration and community engagement takes public administration down a constructivist path and suggests that agencies need to become reflexive about the way in which public administration practices are constitutive of the community engagement process if they are to facilitate genuine participation of other stakeholders. 相似文献
12.
潜规则生发机制及其遏制——兼论吏治规范 总被引:16,自引:0,他引:16
彭云望 《北京行政学院学报》2003,(6):6-10
潜规则是官场正式规则背后的另类规则,它像癌细胞一样寄生于正式规则又不断地侵蚀着正式规则。正式规则下的自由裁量权和官员的个人理性是潜规则生存的充分必要条件,基于个人理性的自组织(self—organizing)机制则是潜规则得以扩张的根本原因。潜规则遏制的核心问题是如何提高控制的有效性,在当前的转型期社会,吏治规范的主要思路是强化人民代表大会的监督职能,建立相对独立的监督行政体系。 相似文献
13.
This paper reconsiders the relationship between the rules of a game and its outcomes. We develop a notion of rule reform that leads to the selection of Pareto improved equilibria points. We then apply this notion to a series of naturally occurring fishing rules, including examples from Malaysia, India, Brazil, Turkey, and Canada. We show that reforming a game is conceptually akin to reforming an economy. 相似文献
14.
Public Choice - This article was published in Public Choice 185:1–2 and is part of the “Special Issue of Public Choice in Honor of the 90th Birthday of Peter Bernholz/Edited by Arye L.... 相似文献
15.
DIETER KERWER 《管理》2005,18(4):611-632
Global regulation increasingly relies on alternatives to legal rules, variously termed "soft law,""best-practice rules," or "standards." Such voluntary best-practice rules can be highly effective. Standards influence users by virtue of the expertise on which they are based and because of their enforcement by public and private actors. Standards globally proliferate because they are more compatible with regulatory autonomy of states than binding directives. When global standards are effective, the question of how to subject them to democratic control often arises. The prospects for holding global standard setters accountable largely depend on how decisions on standards are made. These insights are illustrated by examples of the global regulation of financial markets. The preliminary evidence suggests that standards need to be taken more seriously by students of global regulation. 相似文献
16.
The impact of institutions on the economic vote stands as a well‐established proposition for the advanced democracies of Europe. We know less, however, regarding the institutional effects on the economic vote in the developing democracies of Latin America. Carrying out an analysis of presidential elections in 18 Latin American countries, we offer evidence that the usual Eurocentric conceptualization of the clarity of responsibility is not ideal for understanding the economic vote in this region. There does exist a powerful effect of institutions on the economic vote within Latin American democracies, but one uniquely associated with its presidential regimes and dynamic party systems. Rules for these elections—such as concurrence, term limits, and second‐round voting—suggest that we should reconceptualize the notion of the clarity of responsibility in Latin America, focusing more on individuals in power and their constraints, and less on the political parties from which they hail. 相似文献
17.
行政机关与行政相对方签订行政合同,已成为行政机关履行行政管理职责,以实现国家行政管理目标的一种重要方式。伴随着行政合同的广泛运用,合同纠纷亦日益增多,为了客观、公正、合理地裁处行政合同纠纷,受理合同纠纷的机关就必须在一定的原则指导下,对行政合同进行科学、准确的解释。对行政合同解释所应遵循的一般与特殊原则进行探讨,将对我国的行政司法实践有所裨益。 相似文献
18.
19.
Francesco Giovannoni 《Public Choice》2003,115(1-2):37-61
I study a formal model where the founder of a constitutiondetermines the amendment rule that minimizes constitutionalchanges by a future lobbyist. The founder has to consider thattoo flexible an amendment rule will make constitutional changevia amending too easy while too rigid an amendment rule willforce the lobbyist to look for other ways to achieve change. Icharacterize the optimal amendment rule under two alternativeformulations and study the comparative statics with respect tothe relative costs of amending and the other possibilities forchange. 相似文献
20.
Charities and Political Activity: Time to Re-think the Rules 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Eleanor Burt 《The Political quarterly》1998,69(1):23-30