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1.
Asia’s rise has caused waves in terms of both geopolitics and the global economy in the 21st Century. Its rise is also poised to heavily influence future global growth. Many scholars are talking about the eastwards migration of global power and debating who will emerge as a leading power in Asia. While the rise has caused rifts in regional cooperation mechanisms it has also created many channels for Asia’s development path. How should we look at Asia’s rise? How can we ride these changes and how can we create a win-win situation for all Asian countries? How do we ensure that Asia has a bright future? These questions merit the careful attention of academics in political and economic fields in China, Asia and the rest of the world.  相似文献   

2.
What impact does a shift in the global distribution of power have on the international order? According to the views of traditional realists,power transitions in the international order are usually accompanied by major wars,the best example being the two world wars of the twentieth century.China’s peaceful rise is conducive to the peace and stability of Asia and Pacific regions.The steady rise of China’s position and its role in dealing with international and regional problems have proved China’s success in...  相似文献   

3.
Preface Asia used to be a region with advancing economics and cultures in ancient times. It lagged behind in the modern era of the western industrialization. Since the end of World War II, Asia has entered an era of unprecedented development and is currently becoming the focus of world geopolitics which is called "Asian revival". In the post-financial crisis era, Asian revival is now in a crucial period. There is now an urgent need to address the questions of whether  相似文献   

4.
What impact does a shift in the global distribution of power have on the international order? According to the views of traditional realists, power transitions in the international order are usually accompanied by major wars, the best example being the two world wars of the twentieth century. China's peaceful rise is conducive to the peace and stability of Asia and Pacific regions. The steady rise of China's position and its role in dealing with international and regional problems have proved China's success in "cooperative security". This paper analyzes the security order in the Asia-Pacific region1 that China wants to construct to provide important guarantees to its peaceful rise. Firstly, I review and compare key arguments about the transition of international systems and China's Asia-Pacific strategy, Secondly, I investigate the dynamics between China's peaceful rise and the "cooperative security" which I think are the collective embodiments of modem transformation and the restructuring of China's traditional strategic culture. Thirdly, I examine how to construct a mechanism of cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region to guarantee China's peaceful rise on both political and economic levels. Economic cooperation and free trade in Asia-Pacific region is an important route to regional economic integrity which will guarantee China's role in maintaining the political and economic security in the region.  相似文献   

5.
Peripheral diplomacy tops China's overall diplomatic layout. Economic diplomacy has also increasingly become an importantpart of Chinese diplomacy. Therefore, it is of important strategic significance to promote economic diplomacy in the surrounding areas. For China, now is a conflict-prone period in relations with its neighboring countries, a sensitive time of American rebalancing to Asia Pacific and a period of development bottlenecks in the peaceful rise of China. It is an important strategic issue for China to figure out how to join neighboring countries to achieve an inclusive growth and symbiotic development, to translate its economic influence in the surrounding areas into political influence, and to better safeguard national interests and improve diplomatic influence.  相似文献   

6.
Editor's Note: Sino-Japanese relations have been tense in recent years. In Jparticular, since Abe came to power, Japan has not only been "desperately struggling" with China on territorial and historical issues, but has also tried to set up an "encircling network" against China. Thus Sino-Japanese relations have emerged as the most risky bilateral relations in the Asia-Pacific region. As the two largest powers in East Asia, and the world's second and third largest economies, the continuing confrontation between China and Japan will have huge negative repercussions on regional and global peace. With the approaching of the APEC meeting, however, the Abe government has repeatedly expressed its hopes for diplomatic dialogue with China. The Abe government's shift in attitude towards China from "hard" to a new "moderate" position has attracted wide international attention. We cannot help but ask:  相似文献   

7.
Salient changes have taken place in China's relations with some of its surrounding countries, especially in East Asia, since 2009.Chinas rise has led to the shifting of the world power center as well as principal contradictions among major powers from Europe to East Asia.  相似文献   

8.
<正>Over the past 70 years since the end of World War II,one of the leading trends in global geopolitics has been the rising role of the Asia-Pacific region.East Asia became the third pillar of the global economy together with Europe and North America.In the past decades,the East Asia region has been moving from conflict to peace,from confrontation to cooperation and from poverty to prosperity  相似文献   

9.
Since formal diplomatic relations between China and Fiji were established in 1975, China has gradually developed its bilateral and multilateral relations with the Pacific islands countries (PICs). Especially in recent years, China has deepened its involvement in the South Pacific, and its influence in the region has been growing rapidly. Today, China appears to be one of the major players in the South Pacific region. This increased Chinese engagement has drawn wide attention in academic and political circles. While some scholars and analysts take a positive view of such an engagement, others are concerned about the rising presence of China in the region. Is China's engagement with the South Pacific a new strategic threat or not? This paper will examine the major motives underlying China's engagement with the South Pacific and analyze the implications of China's engagement for the PICs and Australia.  相似文献   

10.
Southeast Asia is an important region in China's neighboring diplomacy and the focus has been on its good neighbor policy.After China andASEAN set up a dialogue-partnership in 1991, their relations have progressed substantially.China now has a strategic partnership with ASEAN and has also taken the initiative in building good economic, trade,security and cultural ties with ASEAN member states.China is currently ASEAN's largest trading partner, while ASEAN is China's third largest trading partner.Beijing, however, has mostly ignored security ties and cultural exchanges with the region over economic cooperation.This has led to a number of security issues and perception problems that have gradually hindered bilateral ties.Most recently, China changed its Southeast Asia policy after holding the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the Neighboring Diplomacy Work Conference, and recent visits by China's top leaders to regional countries.These changes will form the foundation of a grand blueprint for the future development of Sino-ASEAN relations.  相似文献   

11.
The pattern of Asian geopolitics can be examined by employing three analytical perspectives. The first employs East Asia and the vigorous debate over the meaning of the rise of China as an intellectual prism to observe the currents of geopolitical continuity and change that are currently abroad in the Asian region. The second explores the extent to which the interacting forces of geopolitics and military modernization foster the rise of new force projection capabilities that may affect the strategic environment in Asia—particularly in East Asia. Here, the focus is mainly on the arsenals of the three indigenous Asian giants, China, Japan and India, all of whom have developed, or are in the process of developing, significant air and maritime assets whose operations have the potential to intersect in East and South East Asia. Russia is not as much a presence because it no longer possesses its powerful Soviet-era Pacific Fleet and has, in essential respects, retreated to its traditional role as a Eurasian land power.1 The third examines the future of Sino-American relations in Asia in the context of the debate over China's ascent and U. S. decline—a discussion that has intensified since the implosion of the U.S. financial system in 2008 and the onset of the worst global recession since the 1930s.  相似文献   

12.
As globalization accelerates, U.S. foreign policy makers have become less convinced of the influence geopolitics and power politics have on international affairs. They now risk losing touch with rising competitors like China that continue to view the international system in geopolitical terms. Chinese geopolitical strategists have great influence with the country's defense policy makers, who are focusing increasingly on the need for China to establish command of the seas—a goal that threatens conflict between it and the United States throughout Asia. In order to prevent a return to a world dominated by aggressive, geopolitically driven actors, the United States cannot afford to assume that China shares its worldview and that geopolitics has disappeared from international relations.  相似文献   

13.
China's rise has focused international attention in recent years and China Studies now tops the agenda of academia and decision-making circles around the world.The reasons can be traced to tremendous transformations that have occurred in China since it launched reforms and opening-up policies. These changes have given rise to adjustments in the global economy and ensuing shifts in the North-South power balance. In fact, China has increasingly evolved into a driving force for the global economy,providing it with opportunities for expansion and providing it with a more spacious, relaxed environment. Such a win-win situation benefits sustainable global growth.Therefore, a correct grasp of the channels for this interaction and recognition of the harmony in growth between China and the world is crucial, both for China's further integration into the world, and the world's better understanding of this rising Asian power.  相似文献   

14.
The world economy is going through a testing time and Europe’s concerns are understandable. Much attention has been focused on the rise of Asia, especially the economic performance of China during the past decades. There seems to be anxiety about the loss of economic dynamism in the West when compared with the growing confidence in Asia. This essay surveys some of the reasons for anxiety, from those that are common to the global economy to those that arise specifically from the problem of China. It identifies the source as the perceived power shifts in the Pacific and Indian oceans that affect American interests and indirectly those of Europe. While future generations of Europeans need to know Asia better, this is no different from the need for Asians to understand the West, something Asians have been trying to do for over a century. There is no reason why Europeans cannot do that quickly and well.  相似文献   

15.
The article examines the reorientation of the defense policy of the United States, initiated during the Bush and Obama Administrations, toward giving increased priority to the Asia Pacific region. It begins with the historical perspective of the development of American naval power in the twentieth century. The world wars, in which Europe represented the primary theater of conflict, had the effect of shifting a greater share of American military assets toward the Euro-Atlantic theatre, while the onset of the Cold War after 1945 required the United States to develop a navy of truly global strategic reach in which Atlantic and Pacific commitments were kept in balance. With the diminished concern for European security since the end of the Cold War and the emergence of the People's Republic of China as a strategic competitor in the Asia Pacific region, the United States is required in an age of defense austerity to refocus attention again to the Pacific.  相似文献   

16.
全球经济一体化,这是当今世界经济发展的大趋势,中国加入WTO之后,受这种潮流的影响越来越大。地处东北亚的中国、俄罗斯的部分地区和日本、韩国、朝鲜自然形成了东北亚经济区。建立东北亚经济区山海大通道对该地区的经济和社会发展是十分重要的,东宁处于东北亚出海大通道的节点上,建立东宁-乌苏里斯克-东方港出海贸易大通道将进一步促进黑龙江省、我国东北地区、东北亚地区乃至大平洋地区和亚太地区的经济发展。  相似文献   

17.
Joshy Paul 《India Review》2013,12(3):221-242
ABSTRACT

The US and India have become closer in recent times. Compared with the last century, the relationship between the two countries is in steady growth. Under both the Bush and Obama administrations, and now the Trump administration too, India is receiving significant importance in US’ strategic policy toward the Indo–Pacific. India’s emergence as a credible power in the Indian Ocean region has brought both countries much closer. The relationship has also steadily progressed as result of China’s emergence as a potential hegemon in Asia. The US faces difficulty in maintaining its preponderant position across the Indo–Pacific and requires strong allies in the region to help share the burden. In this regard, India could be the offshore balancer in Asia to counter China’s emergence as a potential hegemon in the region.  相似文献   

18.
James Kurth 《Orbis》2012,56(1):39-59
The rapid rise of Chinese economic and military power has produced the most fundamental change in the global system since the end of the Cold War, and it poses vital questions about China's future direction. Many Western analysts argue that China's great power will cause it to become more like the West, i.e., like Western great powers. Other Western analysts believe that China will continue to be the same, i.e., like the China of the past few decades. An alternative interpretation, however, is that China's new power will enable it to become even more Chinese than it is now, i.e., to become more like the traditional and imperial China that existed before the Western intrusions of the 19th century. This China was the “Central State” of a distinctive Chinese world order, operating with distinctive conceptions about diplomatic relations, military strategy, and economic exchange. However, the new China will be unlike the old China in at least two important ways. It will be a naval, and not just a land, power, and it will be a financial, and not just a trading, power. In other words, it will be a powerful China with Western characteristics. As a formidable naval and financial power, China will present fundamental challenges to the United States and to both the long-standing U.S. security order in the Western Pacific and the long-standing “Washington Consensus” about the global economic order.  相似文献   

19.
夏立平 《和平与发展》2012,(2):9-14,70,77,80
奥巴马政府调整美国亚太战略,将美国全球战略和军事战略的重点转向东亚地区。其主要特点:一是高调宣示"重返亚洲";二是通过加强与盟友关系和建立加入多边组织以强化美国在亚太地区的领导地位;三是加强美国在东亚和西太平洋地区的军事存在;四是争取区域经济合作的主导权;五是在地缘战略上以南海问题形成联盟。奥巴马政府亚太战略将受到经济上力不从心、以军事力量为主要手段支撑其亚太领导地位作用有限等因素的制约。但奥巴马政府调整美国亚太战略将使东亚地区特别是南海地区形势更加复杂化。  相似文献   

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