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1.
吴红 《前沿》2005,(6):3-5
任何政党领导人民治理国家,都离不开政治合法性资源的有效支持。政治合法性解决的是“社会秩序何以持久的问题”。“文革”结束后,政权的合法性问题也摆在了以邓小平同志为核心的第二代领导集体面前。邓小平从经济建设入手,通过无产阶级意识形态的培育、反腐败树立政府形象的方法,构建了改革开放时期共产党如何持久执政的理论,对中国现代化进程做出了重大贡献。总结这一思想理论,对当前建设有中国特色的社会主义具有十分重大的现实意义。  相似文献   

2.
公民身份是政治学领域中一个十分重要而历史悠久的概念,它具有普遍的吸引力,我们可以使用公民身份来为自己的政策主张提供辩护。农村基层政权作为国家权力体系延伸至乡村的终端,它是联系国家与乡村社会的纽带。当前,我国基层政权出现了弱化现象,对农村基层政权的合法性构成威胁,产生了合法性危机。产生危机的原因是多方面的,最根本的原因是农村公民身份意识的缺失,本文主要是从农村公民身份的角度浅谈农村基层政权合法性的维护。  相似文献   

3.
本文从维护政治稳定的角度论述了加强党的先进性建设的重要性。政治稳定的内涵包括政权稳固和政治合法性。执政的中国共产党是中国改革开放和社会主义现代化建设事业的领导力量,在国家权力中处于核心地位,所以共产党执政地位的巩固就是国家政权巩固的关键,共产党的执政合法性就是政治合法性的标志,而加强党的先进性建设目的就是始终保持党的先进性,不断提高党的执政能力、巩固执政地位、完成历史使命,因此加强党的先进性建设必将有助于实现和维护我国的政治稳定。  相似文献   

4.
政绩合法性和民族主义合法性都不能有效解释中国共产党执政的合法性。在社会历史文化传统中,西方政权合法性的基础在于竞争性选举,中国政权合法性的基础在于协商。西方选举合法性立基于国家与社会分立、政府与精英对立之上,中国协商合法性立基于国家与社会、政府与精英合作之上。西方选举合法性主要通过选举形成的社会力量制约国家力量,中国传统协商合法性主要通过"天命"制约皇权,要求皇权爱民护民。协商合法性塑造了中国人特有的协商思维方式,即不重视程式性选举,而重视实质性的解民生之困。中国共产党继承了协商合法性传统,又对其进行创造性转化,批判了其中的"天命"观念,摆脱了传统协商的居高临下姿态,建构了以群众路线、三三制、协商民主和统一战线为主要内容的协商合法性新形态,使协商成为实现人民当家作主的重要方式,成为中国共产党领导与执政的合法性之源。  相似文献   

5.
政权建设逻辑和乡镇所处的独特场域决定了乡镇改革是以县、乡、村治理体制衔接为出发点,围绕增强乡镇政权的合法性与提高乡镇政权运作的有效性而展开的制度重建。提高乡镇政权的合法性,需要扩展乡镇政权的民意基础,改变乡镇政权的单一行政授权来源,建立基层政权与乡村社会于一体的利益格局,从体制上确保乡镇政权既能维护乡村社会利益又能完成国家赋予的任务。提高乡镇政权运作的有效性,建立为农服务的服务型政权,最根本的是在对政府、社会与市场进行合理的职能分工和权力重组的基础上提高乡镇政权的行政调控能力。  相似文献   

6.
任何政权执政地位的巩固,社会长期稳定的实现都离不开强力执政合法性的支撑。不同政治语境下,执政者最初获取政权的方式决定了执政合法性的最初来源及再生产机制。中国共产党作为中国唯一的执政党,执政合法性源于成功革命的历史功勋,是一种经验型的事实合法性。经验型合法性模式的时效性特点决定了中国共产党必须不断寻求新的合法性资源以为自身长期执政提供合理性和正当性。执政六十余年,中国共产党的执政合法性几经调整,呈流变态势;而十八届四中全会以来,全面"依法治国"的提出,正是中国共产党于新的政治生态环境中,在坚持基本的合法性生成模式的同时,与时俱进,进一步扩充合法性资源,丰富合法性话语之体现。  相似文献   

7.
政权合法性的巩固与"三个代表"思想   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
王志强 《前沿》2003,(11):8-11
合法性概念是政治学的核心概念之一.政治权力合法性既要从经验事实上来理解,又要从价值上来把握.中国政权合法性源于经济繁荣而得到巩固,与此同时,又要面临社会阶层分化和改革负面影响的挑战.巩固中国政权合法性最主要途径就是贯彻执行"三个代表"思想.  相似文献   

8.
政治合法性问题的国内研究现状述评   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
20世纪90年代以来,国内政治学界的研究主要集中在政治合法性问题的理论研究价值、政治合法性的内涵、政治合法性的基础、政治合法性危机、政权合法化的路径等几个方面。学界的研究取得了丰硕的成果,但也存在着一些偏颇之处。  相似文献   

9.
论毛泽东邓小平江泽民对中共执政合法性基础的认识   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
政治合法性问题是执政党面对的首要问题,我们党一贯非常重视。毛泽东、邓小平和江泽民作为三代中央领导集体的核心,对中国共产党执政合法性基础有着内容丰富而又各具特色的深刻认识:毛泽东关注合法性的军事基础;邓小平着眼于发展问题;而江泽民把合法性归之于党的先进性。研究并继承、丰富和发展他们对中国共产党执政合法性探索的理论和实践成果,具有重大的意义。  相似文献   

10.
夏日贵 《传承》2013,(9):94-96
合法性在现代是指一种政治秩序被认可为有价值,其基础主要包括合’法I陛的理念基础、合法性的有效性基础和合渤}生的制度基础三个方面。我国现阶段面临着较为严重的合法性危机,必须加强执政党自身的建设才能加强和巩固国家政权的合法性基础。  相似文献   

11.
Xiaoping Cong 《当代中国》2013,22(83):905-922
Road to Revival, as the third musical epic in the People's Republican history, was produced and publicized in 2009 in order to celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of the PRC. Like the previous two epics, Revival expressed and promoted the official ideology of the time. Through a close reading of Revival's artistic presentation and comparison with the two similar musical epics, The East Is Red and The Laud for the Chinese Revolution, this article demonstrates that traditional political theory such as the ‘mandate of heaven’ (tianming) is now revitalizing and being adapted to construct the party's legitimacy. In constructing a new legitimacy for the party, Revival does not only depoliticize and recast the histories of the CCP and modern China but also tries to establish a foundation for the party's rule by displaying its successful performance in governance which has gradually become the groundwork in shaping the party's new legitimacy.  相似文献   

12.
Previously in this journal, Gunter Schubert's article, entitled ‘One-party rule and the question of legitimacy in contemporary China’, called for the setting up of a new research agenda to analyze the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). While making a valuable contribution to the study of the CCP's legitimacy, Schubert's emphasis on the empirical measurement of this concept gives rise to a number of conceptual and theoretical issues. As a consequence, this article seeks to contribute to the research agenda by addressing these issues. In so doing, it suggests that a shift away from a narrow empirically-measured focus on legitimacy towards a broader conceptually-driven concern with legitimation would allow for a more inclusive agenda within the China studies community and lead to a more complete understanding of why the CCP remains in power.  相似文献   

13.
Hochul Lee 《当代中国》2010,19(65):559-571
Contrary to many doubts, the institutionalization of political leadership survived the succession process in China between 2002 and 2003. In 2004, Jiang Zemin attempted to override the institutionalized political leadership but was unsuccessful. These episodes demonstrate the level of political institutionalization that has been steadily undertaken since the reform and opening of China. After theoretically defining institutionalization as the first significant stage of political development, this article examines the current progress in political institutionalization at two distinct levels: external and internal. This article argues that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership intended to establish political stability directly and facilitate economic development indirectly under the goal of sustaining the political legitimacy of the CCP's rule of China. Finally, this article examines whether China would follow the ideal sequence of political development, i.e. institutionalization leading to participation leading to contestation. Though China has achieved considerable political institutionalization and conducted many experiments of expanding political participation, public contestation is still confined solely to within the party. Thus, it remains to be seen whether or not China will follow the ideal sequence.  相似文献   

14.
Dingxin Zhao 《当代中国》2001,10(28):427-444
Contrary to the earlier political upheavals which culminated in the 1989 Prodemocracy Movement, China has achieved an extended stability in the 1990s. This paper argues that the prolonged stability resulted from a set of changes in China's state‐society relations, and much of it was related to the 1989 movement. After the 1989 movement, the CCP veterans selected younger leaders who were both reform-minded and had a Machiavellian sense of politics. This new leadership skillfully managed the economy and contained dissident activities from public attention. Reform and the booming economy also provided many opportunities for intellectuals and students and turned them from the earlier economic 'losers' into the current 'winners'. As market forces penetrated into China more deeply and the state no longer took charge of everything as it used to, the Chinese became less interested in national politics, and political conflicts localized. This paper also argues that although China's state‐society relations underwent great changes, the state still bases its legitimacy on performance and is thus intrinsically unstable. A political reform that aims at changing the basis of state legitimation becomes crucial.  相似文献   

15.
Zhang Han 《当代中国》2015,24(94):644-664
In order to consolidate its membership basis and maintain its political leadership in the non-state sector of the economy, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has been rebuilding its primary party organizations (PPOs) in China's urban business districts. Since residents' committees are either weak or do not exist in many urban business districts, local party authorities create umbrella party organizations to foster and territorially restructure PPOs. Four general models of establishing umbrella party organizations can be found, and the CCP has been building its ‘service-oriented PPOs’ to accommodate the needs of the business world. While such party building strategies demonstrate the resilience and adaptability of the CCP, they might also pose potential risks to the Party.  相似文献   

16.
《当代中国》2009,18(62):767-788
The issue of whether or not the current regime in China is sustainable is one of the key questions of interest to specialists on Chinese politics today. The authors of this paper contend that the CCP government has actually strengthened its hold on power in recent years, rather than weakening it, as so many analysts predicted. The paper uses CCP propaganda work in the current era as a lens to consider why this might be so and utilizes the term ‘Popular Authoritarianism’ to describe China's new political order.  相似文献   

17.
政党自产生后已逐渐成为世界多数国家最重要的政治主体,政党政治成为国家民主政治生活的主要形式。政党的历史合法性在于其产生具有一定的经济、政治、社会等基础;现代政党政治通过民主选举、有效决策、权力监督等政治运作机制获得现实合法性;根据当代社会历史条件,政党通过发展社会经济、创新意识形态、构建和谐社会、发扬党内民主、提高执政能力等多种途径,构筑政党政治的时代合法性体系。  相似文献   

18.
Jie Chen 《当代中国》2005,14(44):445-464
Do ordinary villagers and cadres in the Chinese village share similar attitudes toward major sociopolitical issues? Do these two groups construct their respective attitudes in a similar way? This article addresses these two crucial questions based on the data collected from both villager and cadre surveys in a rural setting. The findings indicate that (1) villagers and cadres had quite different views of the village socioeconomic conditions, the legitimacy of CCP rule, democratic principles, and the effects of post-Mao reforms as a whole, although they did have similar opinions on the role of the individual; (2) these two groups constructed their views on some issues similarly but on others differently; and (3) the relevance and salience of issues were positively associated with the levels of attitude consistency among both cadres and villagers. These findings have strong implications not only for the ongoing interaction between these two sets of political players, but also for sociopolitical stability in rural China.  相似文献   

19.
彭忠益  李奇 《桂海论丛》2005,21(2):31-34
政府合法性是政府存在、持续和发展的基础与前提,体现为社会和民众对政府、政治制度及其运行过程所构成的政治体系的自觉服从与认同。面对全球化与社会转型所带来的挑战,中国政府合法性基础正经历着考验。而新宪政论作为新兴的政治科学理论,对于政府合法性具有较透彻的解释力,并为政府合法性的维系与巩固提供了新的路径选择,即民主选举、有效政府、执政党能力建设。  相似文献   

20.
中共党史是我们党和国家的宝贵财富,是大学生思想政治教育的重要内容。它内涵丰富,具有凝聚亲和、导向指引、激励塑造和道德示范等育人功能,对加强和改进大学生思想政治教育具有重要意义。中共党史教育主要包含党的奋斗发展史、理论创新史、自身建设史等内容,坚持与弘扬爱国主义精神相结合、坚持与弘扬艰苦奋斗精神相结合、坚持与形势政策教育相结合等原则,采取多种教育方法。  相似文献   

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