伪满洲国的法律文本与人权实态

伪满成立后,颁布了殖民史上独一无二的《人权保障法》。通过对法律文本的解读,本文批驳了日本右翼史学家美化《人权保障法》的观点,还以结社权和通信自由为例,揭示了日本殖民统治下人权实态与法律规定的严重背离。可以说,伪满洲国任何冠冕堂皇的法律文本都掩盖不了三千万东北同胞生存权受到根本威胁的事实。     

Political Context and the Consequences of Naming and Shaming for Human Rights Abuse

Does being named and shamed for human rights abuse influence the amount of foreign aid received by the shamed state? Recent research suggests that the impact of public censure may depend on the political relationship between donor and recipient. We argue that donors deriving a direct political benefit from the aid relationship (such as a military advantage or the satisfaction of a domestic political audience) will ignore or work against condemnation, but donors with little political interest in the recipient (who give aid for symbolic or humanitarian reasons) will punish condemned states. We also argue that the size of prior aid packages can be used as a holistic measure of the donor’s political interest in the aid relationship because mutually beneficial aid packages are subject to a bargaining process that favors recipients with more to offer. We find that condemnation for human rights abuse by the United Nations is associated with lower bilateral aid levels among states that previously received small aid package, and with equal or higher bilateral aid to states already receiving a great deal of aid. The source of shaming also matters: We find that public shaming by human rights NGOs is not associated with decreased aggregate bilateral aid.     

The New U.S. Human Rights Policy: A Radical Departure

The United States, as the most powerful state and as the self-appointed champion of human rights, has a profound impact on the way human rights norms are interpreted and applied throughout the world. The human rights foreign policy of President George W. Bush can be distinguished from the policies of other administrations in three crucial respects: (1) In identifying the values that Americans can and should promote abroad, it avoids human rights terminology and scorns multilateral institutions, and instead looks to divine inspiration; (2) in place of well-recognized human rights norms, it uses a concept of "dignity" that is narrow and self-serving; and (3) it engages in "exceptional exceptionalism," continually holding others to standards that it does not apply to itself. This essay contends that the new U.S. human rights foreign policy drains human rights of its core meaning and limits its potential impact. Moreover, the United States lacks moral authority to act on human rights grounds as long as it fails to prioritize human rights explicitly and to uphold the same standards to which it holds other nations accountable.     

Linking Experiential and Classroom Education: Lessons Learned from The American University–Amnesty International USA Summer Institute on Human Rights

How can internships and other forms of experiential or service learning be designed to best accomplish academic goals? This article explores the benefits and pitfalls of experiential education by looking at the relevant scholarly literature and at students' and faculty members' experience with the American University–Amnesty International USA Summer Institute on Human Rights. Overall, faculty and students report that internships, when integrated with traditional classroom learning, greatly enhance learning overall. The article suggests strategies for structuring internships to enrich students' learning.     

Simulating the Creation of a New International Human Rights Treaty: Active Learning in the International Studies Classroom

This article details a simulation of formulating a new international human rights treaty designed for an introductory international studies course. Student understanding and interest in a range of international relations topics—including diplomacy, two –level games, international law, human rights, and group decision making—are reinforced by actively engaging the students in policy formulation and state –to –state negotiations. The article is structured around the four key components of active learning approaches—educational objectives, design parameters, procedures, and assessment and debriefing—in order to provide a full understanding of the goals, set –up, process, and advantages of the simulation. The simulation has been successfully run multiple times at both a large state university and a small liberal arts institution. Supportive student feedback and an interesting variety of outcomes indicate that this simulation is a positive addition to the course and reinforces the use of active learning approaches in the international studies classroom.     

Agent permeability, principal delegation and the European Court of Human Rights

A growing body of international relations literature examines the delegation of state authority to international organizations. Delegation is a conditional grant of authority from a principal to an agent in which the latter is empowered to act on behalf of the former. This paper explores the effect of agent permeability to interested third parties on the efficacy of control mechanisms established by principals. Our central argument is that higher levels of agent permeability are likely to lead to higher levels of agent autonomy. Because of this, principals who face a potentially permeable agent are likely to delegate more cautiously—partially, in stages, or with clear limits. We illustrate our argument with a case study of the European Convention of Human Rights and its two principal institutions, the Commission and the Court. We find that principals (contracting states) historically delegated quite cautiously to the Court, clearly concerned about the Court’s autonomy. Court behavior in its first two decades reassured principals while increasing the Court’s permeability. Over time, that increased permeability increased Court autonomy in conjunction with the Court’s growing visibility and experience.

人权还是知识产权:美国对华政策的一个重要转折

克林顿政府初期处于对华政策的十字路口。冷战结束,美国全面调整对外政策,把经济放到对外战略的首位,知识产权问题凸现。而对华政策背离这一主旨,把人权作为首要目标,并与最惠国待遇问题挂钩。这种矛盾决定其必然改弦更张。以经贸为立足点的接触政策的确立,使知识产权问题再次回到中美关系的中心,美国经历了对华政策的一次重要转折。     

德日美宪法与冲突法关系考察

宪法作为一国具有最高效力的法律必须为该国所有其他法律所遵守,包括该国的冲突法。冲突法立法和司法实践应当体现和维护宪法规定的基本人权。美德日等法治发达国家已经确立了行之有效的关于宪法与冲突法关系的理论与实践,我们应借鉴这些国家的有益经验,明确和完善我国宪法与冲突法的关系。     

基于人力资本的大湄公河次区域人力资源开发研究

现代新经济增长理论和实践已经证明,人力资本是经济增长的源泉,而人力资本的形成离不开人力资源开发活动。大湄公河次区域在世界区域竞争加强的背景下需要加快发展,应该增强参与各方的合作与信任意识,加强对人力资源开发工作的认识,扩大开发资金的来源,改变现行的项目导向为条约机制的管理模式。     

Evaluating the influence of international norms and shaming on state respect for rights: an audit experiment with foreign embassies

ABSTRACT

How do international norms affect respect for human rights? We report the results of an audit experiment with foreign missions that investigates the extent to which state agents observe international norms and react to the potential of international shaming. Our experiment involved emailing 669 foreign diplomatic missions in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom with requests to contact domestic prisoners. According to the United Nations, prisoners have the right for individuals to contact them. We randomly varied (1) whether we reminded embassies about the existence of an international norm permitting prisoner contact and (2) whether the putative email sender is associated with a fictitious human rights organization and, thereby, has the capacity to shame missions through naming and shaming for violating this norm. We find strong evidence for the positive effect of international norms on state respect for human rights. Contra to our expectations, though, we find that the potential of international shaming does not increase the probability of state compliance. The positive effect of the norms cue disappears when it is coupled with the shaming cue, suggesting that shaming might have a ‘backfire’ effect.     

中日两国人力资源管理特点的比较研究

随着我国加入WTO,国内企业面临外来企业的冲击,为了能在这种冲击狂潮中生存,中国企业必须尽快建立自己的具有竞争力的人力资源管理模式。比较研究中日两国的人力资源管理模式和特点,可以证明两国的人力资源管理在改革方式、员工素质侧重、员工职业生涯规划、招聘、企业文化建设等方面存在差异。中国的人力资源管理模式还存在平均主义、论资排辈、任人唯亲、官本位等不足,需要中国的企业进行文化建设、设计完整的薪酬体系、加强员工培训及绩效管理等,以有效地促进中国人力资源管理的战略性发展。     

The Impact of Palestine on Arab politics

The economic rationale for energy collaboration between Turkey, Cyprus and Israel is compelling. Cyprus and Israel need commercially viable export routes for their gas while Turkey is eager to diversify and increase its gas supplies. Hydrocarbon resources could potentially be a catalyst for both bringing about a Cyprus settlement and a Turkey-Israel rapprochement. A trilateral cooperation scheme involving a Turkey-Israel pipeline and an LNG plant in Cyprus could offer strong commercial incentives to all parties. But it would require bold political vision on the part of the region’s leaders, coupled with backing from influential external actors with an interest in reconciliation and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean.     

论文化对国际制度创新的影响

在国际关系领域,国际制度创新的基本目标是使制度更加体现国际社会的基本政治认同与价值观念,更加促进地区稳定与世界和平。文化作为一种共有观念,对于国际制度创新具有更加明显的促进作用,这一作用通过在非传统安全领域形成全球集体认同,或在地区层面建构制度创新的共识等方式表现出来。通过文化与权力的结合、文化与利益的结合,并通过国际社会的长期实践,在一定的危机或者偶然因素的促动下,文化就有可能实现制度化,推动国际和地区的合作进程。     

西伯利亚燃料能源综合体对环境的影响

西伯利亚联邦区能源综合体对该地区经济发展具有重要作用,但同时它也是环境的一个主要污染源。尽管西伯利亚联邦区在实施燃料能源综合体项目时采用了净化设施,但目前还不可能完全消除燃料能源部门对环境造成的负面影响。因此,能源综合体必须加强环保工作,尽快采取切实可行的措施。     

韩国-欧盟自由贸易区对中国外贸的影响分析

由于贸易转移效应,韩欧自由贸易区(FTA)将可能对中国外贸产生一定的负面影响。结合一般均衡模型,模拟韩欧FTA对中国总量进出口、中国各产业进出口、中国贸易条件和福利水平等指标的影响进行研究,结果表明:韩欧FTA将降低中国部分产业的进出口,恶化中国贸易条件,导致中国福利水平下降。同时韩欧FTA将使得中国出口产品在韩欧两个市场上的竞争力产生大小不等的负面影响。     

阿拉伯亚里士多德学派人学思想的基本维度

阿拉伯亚里士多德学派是公元9～12世纪阿拉伯伊斯兰国家一些具有自由思想的哲学家兼自然科学家,汲取以亚里士多德为代表的古希腊哲学和自然科学,用哲学解释自然界,以理性阐述伊斯兰教义所形成的使哲学独立于宗教神学的新学派。阿拉伯亚里士多德学派具有丰富的人学思想,其内容包括了对人的起源、地位问题的探讨所构成的人学本体论;对人的属性和本质问题的探讨所构成的人学本质论;以及对人生价值、人生理想等问题的探讨所构成的人学价值论。以这3个基本维度为主线所建构的人学思想彰显出阿拉伯哲学所具有的深厚文化底蕴。     

第三亚欧大陆桥对印度经济发展的影响

大陆桥的形成,将对沿线各国经济产生重要影响。第三亚欧大陆桥将推动印度基础设施建设,促进印度商业旅游业发展,加强印度对外经济联系,促进印度制造业发展,推动印度农业生产发展,并最终加速印度经济发展和崛起。因此,印度应该抓住机遇,争取第三亚欧大陆桥早日形成。     

美国文化价值观对美国外交的影响

自美国踏上国际舞台之日起,其外交就带有一个明显的特点,即价值观化。以天赋使命观、种族优越论、扩张意识、实用主义等为基本特征的美国文化隐形影响、指导、规范着美国对外政策的制定与实施,并在对外政策中得到充分的体现。同时,美国外交赤裸裸地强行输出美式民主、自由等价值观,这种观念和行为深刻影响着国际社会。