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1.
This article explores the political and strategic implications of Scottish Independence for existing transatlantic security arrangements. It examines the potential institutional, legal and political obstacles Scotland might face during the transition to independence and discusses the specific challenges in the area of security and defence, including the nuclear issue and the question of what form an independent Scottish Defence Force (SDF) would need to take to allow and facilitate integration in transatlantic security structures. It argues that a number of strategic and political issues could be mitigated in the course of negotiations between Edinburgh and London. Moreover, Scotland's geostrategic position and political orientation make it an important prospective partner in international security cooperation across the Eastern Atlantic, High North and North Sea, which suggests that an advanced partnership with NATO, and eventually full membership, seems like an option that is both politically viable and more likely than any scenario that predicts seeing an independent Scotland (IS) outside these structures. This challenges some of the main strategic and security political arguments against independence and thus seeks to spark a debate about the realistic options for Scotland should it become independent after 2016. 相似文献
2.
《Journal of common market studies》2017,55(6):1192-1202
This research note responds to recent debates about new intergovernmentalism and argues that the hypotheses of Bickerton, Hodson and Puetter overlook the roles non‐state actors play in the integration process. It intends to open up a debate about private power and the new intergovernmentalism, demonstrating that the concentration of powers of national governments has proceeded alongside the concentration of powers of transnational business interests in Europe. The note draws on the example of the civil security industry and Justice and Home Affairs policies in order to modify the six hypotheses of new intergovernmentalism. 相似文献
3.
Abstract This introduction argues for a new research agenda on European internal security cooperation from the perspective of public goods. We set out our case in three parts. First, we identify new empirical puzzles and demonstrate significant explanatory gaps in the existing internal security literature which public goods theory could help address. Second, we outline the building blocks of a public goods approach and provide an overview of its application, both existing and potentially, in various areas of regional security and European integration. Third, we present three complementary ways of using public goods theory to analyse internal security in the European Union, with the aim of spurring new research questions while accepting some limitations of this theoretical approach. 相似文献
4.
Christian Kaunert 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1):41-61
Some very significant policy developments indicate “supranationalisation processes” of EU external relations in counter-terrorism, even in its most significant relationship with the USA. This means that, increasingly, the USA is willing to work with Europe through its institutionalised forum—the European Union. Thus, the EU achieves certain recognition on the world stage in areas previously completely unsuspected—the “high politics” of counter-terrorism. This supranationalisation process proceeds in two stages. Firstly, the construction of an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) pools a significant amount of national sovereignty at the level of the EU through the establishment of internal EU competences. As a side effect, however, it also constructs an institutionalised structure for external actors, such as the U.S., to deal with. Through dealing within this institutional setting, member states' interests become defined in such a way that increasingly they construct a “European” interest related to counter-terrorism. 相似文献
5.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(4):906-922
Contrary to earlier predictions, communitarization in the area of asylum policies has not led to an erosion of refugee rights. Instead, there is growing evidence that EU asylum harmonization has safeguarded existing standards and even enhanced the rights of asylum‐seekers and refugees in Europe. We seek to explain this by building on the insights of principal‐agent theory. We argue that delegation to supranational institutions can strengthen non‐majoritarian policy dynamics and shield EU policy‐makers from populist pressures for further immigration restrictions that national governments are often confronted with. We support this argument empirically through a systematic longitudinal analysis of the evolution of EU asylum policies. In particular, we seek to assess the motivation for and impact of greater delegation to EU institutions on rights developments for asylum‐seekers and refugees. We also explain to what extent EU policy‐making has changed with the EU's response to the ‘Syrian refugee crisis’. 相似文献
6.
“人的安全”概念的提出促使人们对安全内涵和如何提供安全进行更深刻的思考。但是,人的安全概念提出后引发了很多争议,也产生了不少误区,其中之一就是将人的安全中“免于恐惧的自由”与“免于匮乏的自由”相互对立起来,以至于将前者视为西方的概念而后者为东方的概念。在这种话语中隐含了“免于恐惧的自由才是人的安全中优先考虑的因素”,其产生的后果是在全球范围内存在的贫困、饥饿等严重危害人的尊严的安全问题可能被置于安全考虑范围之外。回顾人的安全概念之争,探讨人的安全的核心理念及其相关概念,比如安全与发展、直接暴力与结构暴力之间的关系,可以矫正这种误区,并证明人的安全概念既不是西方的也不是东方的,它是以人类最基本的价值、需求和尊严为中心的,具有普遍意义的和道德说服力的综合性理念。这种综合性界定自然要求安全维护的方式不应停留在被动和短期应对层面而应寻求早期预防、长期建构、能力提升等积极手段以便实现“积极安全”。 相似文献
7.
Laura Davis 《European Security》2013,22(1):101-119
This article assesses whether the EU contributes to long-term positive change in societies emerging from violent conflict, helping them ‘mend’ or whether it simply encourages societies to ‘make do’ with the status quo. To do so, the article focuses on two of the principles found in the Treaty, peace and justice for human rights violations. It examines how the EU translates the principles of peace and justice into policy and puts them into practice by analyzing EU engagement in peace mediation, transitional justice, and security sector reform in general and through in-depth examination of EU engagement in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It questions the prevailing discourse that greater inter-institutional coherence would improve EU security provision and considers whether and how the EU prioritizes between peace and justice. The article finds that principles may be translated into policy and put into practice, and practice is often ahead of policy. But this is uneven within as well as across the institutions. Greater coherence between principle, policy, and practice, rather than between institutions, would improve EU security provision and enable prioritization. If the EU settles for making do, it undermines its considerable potential to contribute to long-term solutions to complex conflicts. 相似文献
8.
东北地区资源安全与社会经济发展 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
东北地区是我国开发历史最短的地区之一,在东北亚地区及我国的战略地位举足轻重,东北地区社会经济发展始终对全国产生重要影响。目前,东北地区面临诸多的困难与问题,但有利因素也很多,许多潜在优势尚未发挥出来。为此,应加强对东北地区的深入研究,在东北老工业基地改造和经济结构调整的过程中,采取正确的战略对策,坚持不懈地努力,尽量实现东北地区的现代化。 相似文献
9.
Jane Duncan 《Communicatio》2018,44(1):107-129
This article assesses the implications of the controversial Protection of State Information Bill for academic freedom in South Africa, specifically for communications, media and journalism studies. The Bill requires the security cluster to classify sensitive documents on national security grounds. Academic teaching and research can help citizens to understand whether the security cluster is acting in the universal interest, rather than the interest of a political elite; it can also be used to assess media performance in reporting on national security matters. Using a critical approach to the concept of national security, I argue that the Bill favours secrecy over openness, and South Africa’s embrace of the human security definition of national security has contributed to the problem. This overemphasis on secrecy is likely to reduce the few spaces that exist in academia for critical, emancipatory work on security issues, which could hobble the sector’s attempts to understand the deeper processes at work in the security cluster. If such enquiry is marginalised, then the higher education system risks becoming an instrument for continuity rather than change in South Africa’s existing, highly unequal power relations: relations that are being maintained increasingly by force. 相似文献
10.
始于2007年的国际金融危机,使西方经济模式受到种种质疑和挑战,新兴经济体在全球经济中的地位不断上升,世界经济重心正在加速向亚太地区转移。中国作为正在崛起的新兴经济大国将为世界带来种种机遇。在此背景下,美日两国围绕"跨太平洋战略经济伙伴协定"(TPP)纷纷调整其亚太政策。美国希望调整该地区合作"制度"规范亚太合作进程,日本希望通过呼应美国TPP战略来干预亚太一体化进程。东盟国家希望通过启动"区域全面经济伙伴关系"(RCEP)强化在亚太一体化进程中的主导地位。中日韩FTA谈判不仅有利于三国的经济利益,也将对亚太区域合作进程发挥重要作用。中国在积极参与区域合作的同时,还必须加速本国的经济结构、发展模式的调整。 相似文献
11.
国家安全研究是一项复杂的学术工作,需要耐心细致的学理分析。安全是一种不受威胁或不感到危险的状态,而不是纯粹物理层面的隔离或保障。国家安全有着极其多层多元的构成,同时带有外部属性和内部成分。全球化、信息化大背景下国家安全的界定与维护,明显区别于旧时代的内容,认识其中的联系与区分十分重要。从人类思考安全的历史进程观察,可以看出一种不断深化与进化的线索,它对于确立今天的安全思想、目标、行动有着重要的参考价值。认知今天和未来的中国国家安全,离不开对过往不同时期国家安全状态以及方针的借鉴吸收。通过梳理国家安全研究类型,可以发现日益多样的探索路径与工具,对它们各自优劣的比较,有助于建立均衡合理、适应新时期需求的安全研究架构。就政策层面而言,保持安全与发展的平衡,是中国总体国家安全的支点与枢纽,其中尤其须重视吸取一些大国的经验教训。就学理角度来看,新的思维与工具,如“层化”研究思路或许能帮助研究者拓展更大空间。 相似文献
12.
作为明治后期社会文化人的代表,陆羯南提出的关于日本国民铸造的一系列构想,对近代日本国家转型产生了较大影响。其思想主要内容是:实现国民政治,即以“国民的独立”为前提的“国民的统一”;建立国家政体,即君民和合的民族共同体;国家出路在于以天皇制弘扬“国民精神”。其思想的最大特点在于其极强的阶级调和性,他理论上塑造的“国民”,是一个包容国内各个对立阶级、各种互为对立政治主张的混沌漠然的国民形象。 相似文献
13.
近年来,美越关系不断升温,尤其是在防务与安全合作领域取得了引人瞩目的进展,美越双方从战略上日益重视防务安全合作,军事高层互访频繁,实质性军事交流合作如联合军演、开放越南军港、人道主义救援行动等持续开展,核能领域的合作得到加强,美国全面解除对越武器出口禁令,美越防务安全合作日趋机制化等。美越从昔日的军事对抗走向今日的军事合作,源于亚太地缘政治与安全形势变化背景下两国对安全利益的认知以及安全战略和外交政策的调整,其主要动机及意图是通过相互借力削弱或制衡中国,并在南海问题上实现各自的目标诉求。美越安全防务合作对中国周边安全以及中国外交造成了挑战,它影响了中美关系与中越关系的健康发展,不利于南海问题的和平解决,使中国周边安全形势更加复杂化。虽然美越军事合作暂时难以走向军事同盟,但中国应采取必要的应对策略,积极推动中越关系的发展,加强中国与东盟关系,努力构建中美新型大国关系,加强中俄战略合作,加强中国国防和军队建设,完善周边安全战略,提升应对周边安全危机的能力。 相似文献
14.
Agriculture in the Himalayas has witnessed dynamic shifts and acute crises over the last decade. This viewpoint identifies and discusses the factors leading to de-agrarianisation and land abandonment in the western Himalayas. Data on farming preferences and bottlenecks for agricultural production were also gathered through a short survey with farmers. Escalating male out-migration, land fragmentation and heightened exposure to uncertain environmental conditions have transformed agriculture into a liability for the farmers. The viewpoint suggests that effective implementation of land consolidation reforms in the region would enhance agricultural production, curtail mass migration, and potentially insulate farmers from the ongoing agrarian crisis. 相似文献
15.
Economic strengthening interventions may increase income, assets, and food security. Donors and implementers see the potential for improvements in child well-being. This article presents lessons learnt from the implementation of two economic strengthening interventions. It finds missed opportunities with regard to child nutrition, and recommends: (1) integrating economic strengthening interventions with complementary development activities; (2) deep formative assessment to inform programme design; and (3) the use of community-based feedback loops. Development practitioners, funders, policymakers, and researchers must take every opportunity to improve the lives of children as young as possible to build healthy families, communities, and nations. 相似文献
16.
Community seed banks are an effective local institution to conserve quality seeds, to strengthen farmers’ accessibility to social seed networks, and improve agrobiodiversity and food security. This article analyses the prospects and challenges of community seed banks in climate change contexts. It finds that community seed banks serve as sources of climate-resilient seeds to withstand in local climates and improve community resilience. Community seed banks provide landraces for participatory crop improvement to develop resistant varieties to improve quality and productivity. They also strengthen participatory seed exchange to cope with climate adversity. However, there are challenges with defining specific and common goals, functions, approaches, and governance. 相似文献
17.
Ian Christoplos Le Duc Ngoan Le Thi Hoa Sen Nguyen Thi Thanh Huong Huy Nguyen 《Development in Practice》2017,27(2):132-142
Great changes are underway in how climate and agricultural risks are managed in Vietnam. Uncertainties are emerging regarding the role of the state in managing these risks and what this implies for assumptions regarding hoped-for climate change transformations. Local government control is waning in relation to the expanding roles of the private sector and the growing autonomy of farmers themselves. This article presents cases that illustrate the ways that farmers, private investors, and local authorities are responding to climate risk within roles relating to the other risks involving markets, food security, and pressures on common property resources. 相似文献
18.
冷战后,私营军事安保公司在大国普遍出现,但是这些国家安全市场化的发展模式有所不同。有些大国采取作战型模式,一些大国属于安保型模式,也有大国从作战型模式转为军事辅助型模式。作者以海外军事干预需求和规范敏感性为变量,搭建大国海外安全市场化发展模式的解释框架,着重讨论国家和公司的关系。当海外军事干预需求强、规范敏感性低时,大国出现作战型发展模式;当海外军事干预需求强、规范敏感性高时,大国采取军事辅助型模式;当海外军事干预需求弱、规范敏感性高时,大国出现安保型模式。世界主要大国海外安全市场化的发展经验证实了上述假设。英国和美国的案例比较分别验证了大国的作战型模式和军事辅助型模式的成因,而印度和日本的案例论证了安保型模式产生的逻辑。当前,中国加强海外利益保护的需求日益迫切,讨论大国海外安全市场化的发展,对中国借助市场化手段保障海外利益安全也有一定的启发。 相似文献
19.
中国学界对国家安全学理论的研究可以追溯到20世纪90年代。2014年总体国家安全观提出以后,国家安全学理论研究有了根本遵循,标志着国家安全学理论研究进入新时代。2024年,在总体国家安全观提出十周年之际,中国学界对国家安全学理论的研究,形成了以总体国家安全观研究为先导、加快国家安全学及其学科理论研究和推进中国本土化国家安全学自主理论体系探究的新格局。总体国家安全观内涵不断丰富和深化,国家安全学研究对象和学科定位日益清晰明确,国家安全学理论本土化进一步彰显,国家安全学理论构建日趋完善,国家安全学一级学科建设稳步推进。虽然国家安全学一级学科建设起步较晚,国家安全学理论研究存在一些短板,但当今世界之变、时代之变和历史之变的步伐逐渐加快,中国面临的安全挑战前所未有,需要国家安全学理论研究有所作为,作出应有的历史贡献。为此,中国学界需要做“深”国家安全学基础理论研究,拓展国家安全学理论研究的厚度和深度;做“专”领域国家安全学理论研究,强化国家安全学理论研究的广度;做“强”工具国家安全学理论研究,凸显国家安全学理论研究的实效性。 相似文献
20.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(5):1036-1052
Despite equality being considered one of the key normative foundations of the EU, gender has not yet been mainstreamed within the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). This article investigates the impact of institutional structures on the inclusion of a gender dimension in this policy area. The article engages with the concept of feminist triangles to unpack the role of actors and processes; specifically, highlighting key innovations and missed opportunities to integrate gender into CSDP. Focusing in particular on femocrats, the article argues that for gender mainstreaming to take place, the office of the Gender Advisor needs to bridge the division between the military and civilian dimension of CSDP. It concludes that CSDP remains largely gender blind in spite of the EU's adoption of an action plan for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. 相似文献