The uncertain relationship between transparency and accountability

The concepts of transparency and accountability are closely linked: transparency is supposed to generate accountability. This article questions this widely held assumption. Transparency mobilises the power of shame, yet the shameless may not be vulnerable to public exposure. Truth often fails to lead to justice. After exploring different definitions and dimensions of the two ideas, the more relevant question turns out to be: what kinds of transparency lead to what kinds of accountability, and under what conditions? The article concludes by proposing that the concept can be unpacked in terms of two distinct variants. Transparency can be either ‘clear’ or ‘opaque’, while accountability can be either ‘soft’ or ‘hard’.     

The United States' approach to Algeria's civil conflict: Implications for democratization,internal peace and anti-American violence

The United States' approach to Algeria's civil conflict has been based on the stringent assumption that a choice must be made between a secular government that is prowestern (although corrupt and repressive) and an Islamist regime that is anti-western (although equally repressive if allowed to govern). The article shows that this approach not only works to sustain authoritarianism in Algeria and reinforce a vicious cycle of poverry and civil violence, but also ignores the causal links between the practice of dictatorship in the country and the rise of anti-American violence. In this sense, America's foreign policy towards Algeria is a contributory factor to transnational terrorism. An alternative approach that is based on economic development and democracy promotion is proposed here to achieve sustainable democracy and internal peace in Algeria and weaken the forces that give rise to antiAmerican violence.     

The terror/counterterror edge: when non-terror becomes a terrorism problem and real terror cannot be detected by counterterrorism

On the basis of cases such as the recent ban on the building of minarets in Switzerland or the prohibition on wearing a burka in France and the Netherlands, and the passage of terrorism legislation in various European countries in which there has never been a terrorism problem, as well as the recent history of counterterrorism in the United States, this paper examines how non-terror can become a terrorism problem and non-risk ideologically risky, while at the same time the real threats go undetected. The international prominence gained by Spanish Prime Minister Jose María Aznar when the George W. Bush administration declared a worldwide ‘War on Terror’ shows the political capital attached to terrorist risk. Countries may act as if afflicted by a case of ‘terrorism envy’ when non-risk may be perceived as political irrelevance. This paper argues that the dynamics of terrorism/counterterrorism should be seen in the cultural context of taboo while displaying the qualities of the Lacanian edge: a self-generating process that simultaneously links and separates them in a ‘non-relationship’ that is constitutive of the entire phenomenon.     

关于“十年一贡”的争论——19世纪末晚清政府在缅甸问题上与英国的交涉

1885年底英国占领缅甸后,中国与英国就缅甸问题进行了交涉.中国最后与英国达成了英国统治下的缅甸每届十年向中国进献方物的协议.但在英国巩固了对缅甸的占领之后,废除了这一协定.这一协定从确立到废止,反映了中、英双方世界秩序理论的差异.     

1992—2007年俄罗斯经济发展形势与中俄经贸发展

自从1992年以来,俄罗斯经济经过近十年的衰退、大幅波动和金融危机的冲击,直到进入21世纪,在一系列内外因素的作用下,经过普京政府一连串大刀阔斧的改革,俄罗斯经济有了一个质的飞跃,摆脱了转轨以来经济持续下滑的局面,国内经济实现了持续稳定的增长,对外贸易、利用外资和对外投资也都保持了快速增长的态势,在国际中的地位日益提升。与此同时,中俄两国的经贸关系也日益紧密。从长期来看,中俄两国应该进一步克服目前存在的问题,进一步加强两国之间的经贸关系。     

梅普共治开启中俄关系新时代

目前中俄两国关系发展顺利,梅德韦杰夫的访问,是对普京执政期间中俄关系基本思路和做法的重申。我们对"梅普共治"抱有极大的信心。同时,梅德韦杰夫的访问显示,中俄合作正向着更加实质化和对等的方向发展。尤其是梅德韦杰夫表示,俄中协作成为保障世界安全的关键因素,应被视为两国未来关系的新基础。与此同时,中俄之间合作领域的深度和广度在不断拓宽,这才是双方合作的更深层次表现,也是双方互信加深的集中体现。为未来几十年双赢的双边关系及持久发展打下了牢固基础,开启了两国合作的新时代。     

RT-PCR与兔体交叉试验检测猪瘟病毒感染的相关性研究

对猪瘟RT PCR诊断方法与兔体交叉试验诊断方法的相关性进行了研究。通过计算机软件设计了猪瘟病毒E2基因保守区的 1对引物 ,建立了猪瘟病毒RT PCR检测方法 ,同时应用兔体交叉试验进行对比 ,对 7份临床送检病例进行了检测。结果表明 ,二者的符合率为 10 0 % ,但RT PCR可大大降低检测所用的时间 ,更便于猪瘟的快速诊断。     

Socio-cultural aspects of the relationship between the EU and East Asia, with particular reference to China

This paper presents a comparative study about words and about sovereignty; about the ancestry of the words that construct the discourse of sovereignty in the context of China; about the analysis and interpretation of the civic discourse and the rhetoric that construct Chinese sovereignty in the field of international relations and foreign policy, and about the consequences of this analysis and interpretation for the formulation of EU foreign policy with regard to East Asia, especially China, and the United States, as well as the feedback that notions of sovereignty have on the construction of Chinese civic discourse. For many contemporary Chinese thinkers, China should modernise without repeating the process of modernism, should leap over the system of values established by the Enlightenment that seemed to justify imperialism, and develop an economy and institutions that would serve to create wealth and to raise the standard of living of the population, without imposing values that are advantageous to a “West” that is already wealthy. They have identified a cultural dissidence within developed societies that advocates the values of postmodernism as a way of rejecting the values of modernism. In this context, they advocate the possibility of modernising their society without having to accept the imposition of values that originated in societies that have already begun to question them. In this way, China could reach postmodernism in a relatively short period of history without having to pass through the traumas that characterised the development of modernism in the “West” over a period of centuries (it would be difficult not to discern echoes of Mao Zedong’s “Great Leap Forward” in these Chinese versions of the postmodernist paradigm). The communicative strategy to be adopted by the EU in the rhetorical construction of its dialogue with China should be fully cognizant of and sensitive to the criteria of China’s moral order as outlined in this study and specified in the Five Principles (mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity; non-aggression; non-interference in each other’s internal affairs; equality and mutual benefit; and peaceful coexistence), the Spirit of Shanghai and the ASEAN Way, with special emphasis on mutual recognition, parity of esteem, and mutual benefit. Any other discourse will be perceived semiotically as unilateralist and exploitative. Respect for diversity is paramount, and the ability to harmonise diversity is a major function of Chinese political and cultural thought. “Harmony” and “peace” are the same word in classical Chinese: hé ( hépíng is the modern word for “peace” and héshēng is the modern word for “harmony”). As a result, any practice that produced harmony, such as music or cooking, was a form of training for maintaining peace, social cohesion and solidarity in society (or among nations).

发展中的中国与老挝贸易

中国与老挝友好关系源远流长,两国已经建立全面战略伙伴关系。本文介绍中国与老挝的贸易协定、中国与老挝的贸易现状。     

乳牛产后血浆瘦素动态与亚临床酮病的相关分析

对某奶牛场16头乳牛产前10 d至产后56 d血样的瘦素、酮体、葡萄糖、脂肪水平及其动态特征和相关性进行了检测。结果表明,血浆瘦素、血酮、血脂含量在不同乳牛和不同时间点之间均有显著差异。酮体在产后14~49 d出现高峰,瘦素和血脂从产后第0 d到产后第56 d内逐渐升高。瘦素水平与血脂水平呈极显著正相关,血酮与血糖呈极显著负相关。亚临床酮病组乳牛的瘦素和血脂水平分别极显著或显著低于血酮正常组,其瘦素、血酮和血糖在试验期内的波动频率明显减少,跨度变长,瘦素在试验期内仅出现一个两端接近0、波峰不超过1.5 ng/mL的波。证实,产后乳牛瘦素、血酮、血糖含量的低频率波动变化和产后8周内血浆瘦素跨时持久的单峰动态变化与乳牛亚临床酮病的发生有关。     

东盟国家经济与财政收支状况比较分析

财政作为政府调节经济的重要手段,已成为影响社会资源配置、收入分配、经济稳定与增长乃至整个社会经济运行的重要因素.本文以东盟10国为研究对象,着重研究该地区经济增长与财政的现状、问题、发展趋势,并针对财政问题提出相应对策.     

俄罗斯文化的矛盾性及其形成因素

俄罗斯文化具有内在的矛盾性,这与俄罗斯独特的地理环境和历史文化紧密相关。俄罗斯的自然地理条件对其文化形成具有重要作用;俄罗斯处于东西方交界处,地理位置独特,东西方文化在这里碰撞、汇合并相互影响;亚洲生产方式的深化及东方独裁专制的强化与社会上层欧洲化的矛盾分裂;俄自身的多神教文化与拜占庭文化及斯堪的纳维亚文化的对立统一等,这些因素都对俄文化的矛盾性具有重要影响。     

浅析不丹与印度的水电合作

不丹有着丰富的水力资源蕴藏量,从上世纪6D年代开始不丹就积极利用这一资源与印度开展合作,发展经济。随着两国水电合作的开展,对印度来说,不丹的水电在其能源结构中的地位越来越重要。不丹和印度的水电合作前景广阔。     

满刺加的陷落与中葡交涉

14世纪初,在明朝的支持下,满剌加取得独立,并迅速发展成为东南亚国际贸易的中心。然而,16世纪初葡萄牙殖民者侵入东南亚,占领了满剌加,导致东南亚国际形势发生剧变,从根本上动摇了以“朝贡”制度为基础的“华夷秩序”。面对这一空前的变局,明朝最高统治者愚昧无知,不了解世界大势,做出不合时宜的反应与决策;加之明朝国力式微,缺乏坚强的实力作后盾,在对葡交涉中软弱无力,其结果只能是坐视满剌加的灭亡,从此我国丧失了在东南亚原有的地位,东南亚逐步沦为西方的势力范围。     

中国-东盟战略伙伴关系：回顾与前瞻

本文对中国-东盟战略伙伴关系的发展进行回顾、总结与展望,并提出几点看法。     

以双经济特区方式加强周边国家合作与构建和谐广西的研究——以中越“两廊一圈”合作为例

我国边疆地区是少数民族主要的居住区,我国5个少数民族自治区有4个在边疆。根据有关理论,两国关系不好产生的边界“闭屏效应”可以让边关变成死角,关系好产生的边界“中介效应”可以加快边境的发展。与周边国家的关系融洽、我国边疆地区的安定和繁荣、边境地区各民族生活水平的提高     

中日市民宗教意识的差异——以“浮世草子”和“三言二拍”为中心

中日市民的宗教意识是随着15世纪末社会商品经济发展过程中形成而发达的。中日市民的宗教意识同属东方文化,表现着有别于中世纪西方市民的宗教意识的极为丰富的内涵。然而,中日市民宗教意识是在各自社会历史进程中演变、发展的。从宏观上看,浑然一体,可是,从微观研究,将会发现明显的差异。     

国际金融中心:上海与莫斯科的博弈

基于对世界金融体系、区域金融布局、本国经济金融发展和政治影响力等方面的考虑,中俄两国相继提出要建立国际金融中心。通过对两国经济、金融、政策、基础设施和人才等多方面的现状比较可以发现,上海相对于莫斯科在建设国际金融中心的综合优势更加明显。但作为战略目标相近、地理位置相邻的两个大国,在未来两国建设国际金融中心的过程中,对于战略空间、金融资源、金融创新和货币领域的竞争将不可避免。因此,建议在竞争的同时,还要加强政策、资本市场、货币领域的合作,力争实现错位发展。     

波兰总统选举后俄波关系走向分析

2010年7月4日,科莫罗夫斯基当选波兰新一届总统,他将调整前任莱赫.卡钦斯基实行的内外政策。波兰和俄罗斯在历史上就积怨很深,冷战后,波兰加入北约和欧盟,实行疏远、抑制和防范俄罗斯的政策。卡钦斯基对俄的强硬态度以及美波之间在导弹防御系统上进行的合作,引起俄罗斯的强烈不满,两国关系进入冰冻期。科莫罗夫斯基上任后,两国关系有望回暖,但波兰依靠美国提高防御能力、压制俄罗斯的战略不会改变。表面友好、暗中对抗将是俄波两国关系的主旋律。     

占婆与马来世界的历史文化关系——兼评《占婆与马来世界的文化交流》一书

本文主要从宏观的视角论述占婆与马来世界的历史文化关系,并简要评述《占婆与马来世界的文化交流》一书。