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1.
文章分析了日本参加TPP谈判问题所面临的困境及其对未来内政外交走向的影响。首先,在经济方面,日本因参加TPP谈判将面临是继续保护农业还是扩展制造业出口以振兴经济的矛盾;其次,在政治方面,由于参加TPP谈判日本将面临由于各利益集团冲突引起的国内政治矛盾;第三,在外交方面,因为参加TPP谈判,日本将与美国围绕以农业为主的市场开放的程度问题进行博弈,同时也陷入如何协调美国市场与中国市场的关系的矛盾。文章认为日本将不会在短期内解决这些矛盾,而只能在国内政界重新整合与国际格局进一步发展变化的过程中逐步得到解决。  相似文献   

2.
TPP是一种旨在实现贸易、投资及人员往来等全面自由化的高水平自由贸易协定。野田内阁意图通过TPP提升日本企业的国际竞争力,推动国内农业的结构性改革,重振日本经济;在对外关系上,则欲借此修复巩固日美同盟,配合美国牵制中国的战略布局,并在未来亚太经济一体化的进程中占据有利位置。基于上述战略意图,尽管遭致日本国内长期依赖财政补贴及贸易保护的农业部门和希望继续维持现有医疗保障体系的医师会等团体的坚决反对,面临政治分裂的风险,野田仍做出了参加TPP谈判的政治决断。  相似文献   

3.
受自身政治大国的战略诉求、亚太经济与政治重要性日益高涨等因素的综合影响,日本的亚太经济合作战略在2017年重点表现在两大维度上,即引领不含美国的TPP谈判进程和对美经济合作。特朗普政府的"经济单边主义"成为制约并影响日本亚太经济合作战略展开的主要因素,但美国退出TPP也为日本引领亚太经济合作提供了一定的政治空间。此外,尽管对美国贸易保护主义政策相当不满,但日本在处理日美贸易摩擦问题上,依然保持克制和隐忍的态度,并积极推动与美经济政策协调、能源领域战略性合作等。未来,日本对美经济合作存在"贸易问题"和"路线问题"两大隐忧,这也将在一定程度上制约其亚太经济合作战略的实施与延伸。  相似文献   

4.
"跨太平洋伙伴关系"谈判是美国实施所谓"再平衡"战略的重要组成部分。这一多边谈判架构能否持续下去,取决于其是否能够获得足够的发展动力。本文从微观角度出发、从内外两方面探讨了这一多边谈判的发展动力问题。从内部看,由于在美国的实力和意愿之间存在巨大的反差,谈判本身面临着内部动力不足的问题。这决定了美国无法采取"以经济换安全"的传统做法来推动谈判的顺利进行。从外部看,经济效益并不能充分解释谈判的持续进行,区域贸易谈判的"多米诺骨牌"效应难以产生充分的前行动力。然而,利用当前亚太地区一些国家对中国的崛起产生疑惧情绪,进而希望借助美国平衡中国的心理,美国得以顺利推进TPP谈判。经济与安全的密切互动为美国推动TPP谈判提供了较强的发展动力。面对TPP谈判带来的国际形势新变化,中国应该有的放矢,通过积极应对来化解TPP谈判带来的挑战。  相似文献   

5.
编者的话     
《当代亚太》2012,(1):1
"跨太平洋伙伴关系协议(TPP)"的进展成为当前亚太地区最受关注的热门话题之一。沈铭辉分别从经济和政治角度对TPP进行了成本收益分析,并认为相对于经济价值而言,TPP的性质更多是美国针对中国崛起和东亚合  相似文献   

6.
跨太平洋伙伴关系协议(TPP)的成本收益分析:中国的视角   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
早在谈判初期,TPP就宣称将达成一个全面的、高水平的面向21世纪的自由贸易协议,但事实上,TPP将无助于加强亚太地区的经济联系,更无法解决亚太地区的"意大利面条碗效应"问题。关于TPP的成本收益分析表明,经济小国或许能够从TPP中获益,但是对大国而言,TPP基本没有经济价值。TPP只是美国应对东亚合作、获得非传统经济利益的工具。从中国角度看,长期内,克服TPP负面影响的根本途径是扩大内需;中期内则需要与日本共同推动实现东亚合作,确保中国在整个TPP博弈中获得次优结果。  相似文献   

7.
李杨  黄宁 《当代亚太》2013,(1):101-124,159,160
目前,东盟成员国中已有新加坡、文莱、越南和马来西亚先后正式加入TPP谈判。由于上述四国无论在经济发展与开放程度还是在对外政策上都有明显差别,因此,它们加入和推动TPP谈判的动机虽有相似之处,但也存在较大差异,从而决定了它们将在推动TPP谈判中发挥不同的作用。文章结合东盟四国国内政治经济环境、发展战略及利益诉求,详细剖析了各自加入TPP的具体动因,给出其在当前谈判进程中的角色定位,并在此基础上对中国的策略选择提出了具体政策建议,即在短期内应"静以待变"应对TPP,中长期则应以"层次清晰、区别对待"的原则处理与东盟及其各成员国的关系。  相似文献   

8.
跨太平洋伙伴关系协议:主要分歧与前景分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
跨太平洋伙伴关系协议(TPP)的目标是建成一个高标准的21世纪自由贸易协定,对亚太地区经济一体化进程影响深远。美国宣布加入TPP,吸引了越来越多亚太地区经济体关注乃至加入TPP。从TPP的谈判架构、议题内容等方面的分歧来看,TPP协议整合难度大,不确定性较高。中国应充分将TPP与自身的自由贸易区战略相结合,化被动为主动,有效应对TPP的潜在冲击。  相似文献   

9.
近来,围绕着美国所主导的TPP(跨太平洋战略经济伙伴关系协定),国际社会给予了各式各样的精彩讨论,并引伸出一系列相关的疑点和猜想。美国力推TPP的战略目的到底是什么?日本加入TPP谈判究竟为哪般?中国是否会加入TPP?诸如此类的疑问都成为海内外媒体的重要话题。  相似文献   

10.
日本的自由贸易区战略选择——中日韩FTA还是TPP?   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
倪月菊 《当代亚太》2013,(1):80-100,159
文章运用国际政治经济学分析方法,对影响日本启动FTA进程的政治和经济双重因素进行了分析,在此基础上,对日本参与中日韩FTA和TPP谈判的可能性作出判断。从传统收益上看,日本希望通过中日韩FTA的达成,从中国和韩国的高速经济发展中获取经济利益;但从非传统收益上看,对主导权、国家安全和利益集团等方面的考量,使日本不得不重视TPP。鉴于目前中日韩岛屿争端有长期化的趋势,从政治角度看,中日韩FTA实现的难度较大。如果必须在两者之间做出选择,日本可能优先选择TPP。  相似文献   

11.
Min-Hua Chiang 《East Asia》2013,30(3):199-216
This article explores the economic calculations behind the recent initiatives for the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the Governments of China, Japan and South Korea (CJK) and clarifies the implications for future regional economic integration. First, the proposed trilateral FTA signifies an advancement of China-centered regional economic integration. Regional economic integration led by China may also increase its political clout at the global stage. Second, the Governments of South Korea and Japan seek greater involvement in China's huge domestic market, but the former is concerned that a trilateral FTA will worsen its trade deficit with Japan, and the latter is afraid of losing its market shares in China and America to its Korean rival. Japan, therefore, seeks membership of both the CJK FTA and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Third, China and the US' active involvement in regional economic integration will push the three countries to go forward towards greater economic cooperation. However, it will take longer for China-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and America-led TPP to bear fruit because of the large number of countries involved. Therefore, the conclusion of CJK FTA will be an important boost for the further progress of both RCEP and TPP. It will also be an important stabiliser for the trilateral political relations in the future.  相似文献   

12.
Yoshimatsu  Hidetaka 《East Asia》2005,22(4):18-38
In Northeast Asia, historical legacies, a lack of common identity and great power politics impeded political cooperation and economic integration. However, China, Japan and South Korea have exhibited a growing interest in political and economic cooperation since the late 1990s. This article examines how the three Northeast Asian countries have developed political and economic cooperation by using the concept of ‘multilayered intergovernmentalism’. It argues that despite political tensions between China and Japan, regional cooperation among China, Japan and South Korea has been promoted by talks and bargains among the heads of state and government who strengthened incentives for closer cooperation. Moreover, multilayered frameworks formed at the ASEAN Plus Three (APT) level, through the Track II mechanisms, and in issue-specific areas have provided valuable input into advancing regional cooperation initiatives. Whereas the APT framework offered incentives and opportunities to exchange views and information for closer trilateral cooperation, the outcomes of the research at the Track II were incorporated into the leaders' cooperative initiatives. The existence of issue-specific frameworks stirred talks and negotiations at the summit level.  相似文献   

13.
This article discusses Japan's contribution to world peace both in the past and in the future. Japan's domestic, historical, and strategic circumstances shaped its concept of comprehensive security focused on international economic cooperation since the 1970s. Three decades of constructive relations with neighbors, including reconciliation with Southeast Asia built a strong foundation for Japan's new security role, one driven by new domestic and external imperatives. The article also documents the evolution of Japan's security policy and role in international peacekeeping, and concludes by arguing that Japan–ASEAN partnership is a key component of Japan's new security role, including permanent membership in the United Nations Security Council. In developing this new role, it is critically important that Japan engages its neighbors in ASEAN (and elsewhere) to gain their support for this new role.  相似文献   

14.
This paper explores the opportunities presented by the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to Japan to revitalize its trade policy, bolster economic growth, and increase participation in regional multilateral fora for the 21st century. Despite its strengths, Japan has continued to face problems caused by its economic, political, and strategic policies. The Japanese economy has been stagnant for the last several decades, and Japan needs to take bold steps to ameliorate this situation. Politically, domestic political paralysis has had a negative impact on Japan's alliances and partnerships and eroded Tokyo's ability to act as a major player in the increasing vital and important Indo-Pacific region. Connected to this, it is imperative for Japan to engage itself deeply in Asia in ways that increase strategic trust. This paper will also highlight the necessary reforms Japan must undertake to take full advantage of the benefits of the TPP, as well as what the TPP might mean for its relationship with both the US and other regional partners.  相似文献   

15.
Min Ye 《Asian Security》2013,9(3):206-224
Abstract

A big question looming large over policy and theory in Asian security is how China will use its newfound wealth and power in the region and with what consequences. The United States has concluded the negotiation of Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); ASEAN has promoted the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Both frameworks seek to shape China’s regional behavior and manage rising China. In late 2013, China inaugurated the new Silk Road initiative, which has rapidly gained momentum in the country and among China’s neighbors. American public and policy makers, however, are largely unaware or baffled by the new Silk Road. The article, based on field surveys and extensive documentary analysis, provides the first roadmap on how China views TPP, RCEP, and the new Silk Road. It offers important exploration of how China acts and reacts to regional contestation and what are implications for the region.  相似文献   

16.
East Asian regionalism is emerging starting with a process of “ASEAN plus three” cooperation and moving to a final East Asian Community. The foundation of East Asian regionalism lies in increasing regional common or shared interests. The significance of East Asian cooperation and integration is its developing process. “10?+?3” framework is not just an economic cooperation process but also has political significance. The process of East Asian cooperation plays a dual role in community building: reconciliation among the countries, and cultivation of each member itself. The major role of regional institutional building is peace making through cooperation under a regional framework. The cooperation between China and Japan is crucial for East Asian Community building.  相似文献   

17.
浅析中国与东盟的能源合作   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
能源是人类社会赖以生存和发展的基本要素之一。随着中国经济的快速增长,中国对外能源需求量逐年增长,能源安全成了人们普遍关注的一个全球性的热点问题。因此,中国应通过积极参与双边与多边的能源合作,采取多元化的油气资源供给途径,来保障中国的油气资源的安全供给。随着东盟与中国政治经济关系的升温,东盟各国在中国的能源安全领域扮演着越来越重要的角色。本文在对中国能源现状进行分析的基础上,对中国与东盟开展能源合作这一议题进行剖析,浅析其合作的必要性、可行性及其前景。  相似文献   

18.
进入21世纪以来,东南亚地区秩序发生了重大变化,东南亚的多极化格局已经形成。在这个格局中,中美日三个大国与东盟一起共同发挥作用,维护该地区的和平、稳定与繁荣。维护该地区的和平、稳定与繁荣既是中美日三个大国的共同目标,也是它们的共同利益。东盟是该地区一支重要的、不可替代的力量,中美日三个大国能否在该地区实现合作共赢,在很大程度上取决于东盟的影响和如何发挥作用。  相似文献   

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