中国和欧盟在“一带一路”战略框架下的政策协调:现状及前景——塞尔维亚的视角

<正>近年来,中国的政治和经济力量受到了所有国际行为体的重视,欧盟也不例外。①鉴于"一带一路"战略是中欧所有合作伙伴今后进一步发展及更好合作的坚实基础。欧盟表示愿意在双方战略伙伴关系的基础上与中国开展合作。为此,欧盟必须设计出相应机制,以促进其与"一带一路"战略的有效政策协调。未来的中欧关系将通过"一带一路"战略的实施步人新阶段。而世界政治及经济格局,也有可能通过"一带一路"沿线国家的发展而发生改变。但由于"一带一路"沿线国家之间存在着很大差异,因     

“一带一路”倡议与容克投资计划对接前景探析

"一带一路"倡议对接容克投资计划是新时期中欧构建合作共赢伙伴关系的新形式。中欧战略对接首先集中于基础设施领域互联互通与国际产能合作。目前双方已搭起了初步的合作框架,但对接进程仍面临着诸多问题,如欧盟对"一带一路"的战略认知、欧洲战略投资基金(EFSI)管理结构问题,以及欧盟相关政策法规的不确定性与市场风险等。对此,中欧需保持和加强政策对话,通过多元化方式落实和推动多层战略对接,加快中欧投资协定谈判,以此降低投资风险和保证对接合作的可持续性。     

欧盟绿色产业政策及其对中欧经贸关系的影响

随着全球主要经济体普遍提出碳中和目标并加大绿色产业扶持政策力度,“以立法促产业”成为大国战略竞争的新特点。在中国绿色产业处于全球优势地位、美国借《通胀削减法案》促进绿色产业发展的压力下,欧盟以抢抓全球绿色经济新机遇、对冲全球绿色产业政策竞争压力、谋求能源安全长远保障为目标,围绕绿色产业发展的顶层战略设计和资源统一调配,推出以“绿色协议产业计划”为总体框架的一揽子绿色产业提振政策,构成欧盟加强扶植本土绿色产业发展的总体政策纲领。虽然中国绿色产业实力雄厚,产业链供应链国际融合度高,但欧盟作为中国绿色产业主要出口目的地与合作伙伴之一,其绿色产业本土化趋势或将降低对中国低碳技术产品的进口需求,给中国绿色产业优势地位带来更加严峻的挑战,并加剧中欧在关键原材料领域的竞争摩擦。当前形势下,利用欧洲能源结构调整契机,主动运筹对欧关系,稳定中欧绿色产业链供应链合作,深化中欧绿色合作伙伴关系,是维护中欧关系稳定的必由之路。     

从联合国安理会改革看中欧战略关系的局限性

中外学界普遍认为中欧广泛的战略共识是双方关系快速发展的原因之一。对于致力于应对全球安全威胁,牵制美国单边主义倾向,推动国际多边合作,提升自身国际形象与影响力的中国与欧盟而言,联合国安理会无疑是促进双方战略合作、实现共同战略利益的重要舞台。但是在极具重要性的安理会改革问题上,中欧非但很少进行互动与合作,还表现出明显的分歧。本文通过分析联合国安理会改革进程以及欧盟和中国在这一问题上的立场,探寻欧盟本身的分歧、美国的负面影响、中欧双方在战略实践层面上的具体分歧等三方面因素对中欧战略伙伴关系的阻碍和制约。     

变局中的全球治理与多边主义的重塑——新形势下中欧合作的机遇和挑战

美国特朗普政府上台后多边主义意愿下降,世界舆论和学界出现了中国和欧盟合作引领全球治理的观点。本文主要分析新形势下欧盟的全球治理诉求及其对华战略和政策取向,一方面考察中欧合作的机遇和有利条件,另一方面分析其所面临的问题和障碍。本文认为,中欧在全球治理领域确实存在较大的合作空间,但在欧盟全球战略和对华战略思维发生重要变化的背景下,这种合作乃至双方全面战略伙伴关系的发展也正在面临新的挑战,不仅会受到当下国际体系结构深度调整的影响,而且可能更多地受到欧盟对华认知的较大变化及其相应战略调整的诸多制约。     

中欧经贸关系发展中的制约因素及因应对策探析

随着中国与欧盟的经济迅速发展 ,特别是中国改革的深入进行、西部开发战略的实施、中国加入世界贸易组织 ,中欧经贸关系正面临广阔的前景。同时 ,欧盟东扩、欧盟贸易保护主义以及中国入世带来的挑战等因素也制约着中欧经贸关系的发展。中国应抓住机遇 ,迎接挑战 ,实施美欧日贸易平衡等战略 ,促进中欧经贸关系全方位、多层次、宽领域的良性发展。     

中国“一带一路”倡议有效对接欧盟投资计划探析

本文基于中国“一带一路”倡议与欧盟投资计划的最新进展及对接现状,运用SWOT分析方法,从中欧各自优势及劣势、合作机遇与面临挑战等视角考察了中欧双方发展战略有效对接的经济基础、可行性及合作领域。本文认为,欧盟拥有成熟技术与品牌优势,中国拥有雄厚资金与市场优势,中欧双方可以通过国际产业产能合作、国际金融合作以及双向投资与贸易自由化等途径实现中欧优势互补和合作共赢。中国应以中欧国际金融合作为先导,扩大人民币在中欧合作项目中的使用,选择以点带面的重点国家与重点行业为合作突破口,积极推进中欧国际产业产能合作、基础设施和互联互通建设,以及合作开发第三方市场及资源能源等。     

亚欧会议对中国、欧盟、东盟关系的影响分析

亚欧会议促进了中、欧、东盟在全球性和地区性问题上的多边协调和务实合作,推动了中国—欧盟、中国—东盟、欧盟—东盟双边关系发展。中欧对亚欧合作的重视以及亚欧经济关系的重要性增强是亚欧会议对中、欧、东盟关系产生积极作用的主要原因。但由于亚欧会议缺乏合作机制,东盟借助亚欧会议推行大国平衡战略以及欧盟同亚洲国家的价值观有差异,亚欧会议在推动中、欧、东盟关系发展问题上有较大的局限性。中国应加强中、欧、东盟关系,为中国成为世界大国打下基础。     

影响中欧投资合作的因素探析北大核心CSSCI

经贸合作一直是中欧关系持续发展的基石。欧盟是中国重要的外资来源地之一。近年来中国对欧盟投资快速增长,成为拉动双边合作的新领域。相比中欧贸易,中欧相互投资水平仍较低,发展中欧投资合作潜力巨大,推进投资合作已成为中欧双方共同的目标。本文从中国、欧盟、中欧关系及全球的角度对影响中欧投资合作的一些因素作了分析探讨。在国内外经济新常态下,扩大中欧投资合作不仅具有重要的现实意义,也有许多有利的因素,当然也有一些问题和挑战需要通过双方的努力来解决。     

影响中欧投资合作的因素探析

经贸合作一直是中欧关系持续发展的基石。欧盟是中国重要的外资来源地之一。近年来中国对欧盟投资快速增长,成为拉动双边合作的新领域。相比中欧贸易,中欧相互投资水平仍较低,发展中欧投资合作潜力巨大,推进投资合作已成为中欧双方共同的目标。本文从中国、欧盟、中欧关系及全球的角度对影响中欧投资合作的一些因素作了分析探讨。在国内外经济新常态下,扩大中欧投资合作不仅具有重要的现实意义,也有许多有利的因素,当然也有一些问题和挑战需要通过双方的努力来解决。     

Europeanization as a Democratization Tool? The Case of Morocco

This paper applies the Europeanization ‘toolkit’ to EU democratization policies in Morocco within the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) framework. To this aim, the bottom-up and top-down dimensions of EU?Morocco relations are analysed diachronically both before and after the Arab Spring. The analysis shows that the Moroccan ruling elite has used the anchor to the EU as a survival strategy and that the EU has merely responded to Moroccan political liberalization rather than having influenced it. Therefore, the paper debates the extent to which the very notion of Europeanization might be used with respect to democratization policies in Morocco, and it shows an overturning of the sender?receiver relationship proving that Europeanization has been used instrumentally rather than having any autonomous supportive effect on democratization.     

东盟与欧盟关系三十年评析

东南亚国家联盟(东盟)在其发展过程中,非常重视与欧洲联盟(欧盟)的联系与合作.2007年是东盟建立40周年和欧盟成立50周年,同时也是这两个区域合作组织正式建立关系30周年,回顾和展望东盟与欧盟之间关系的发展具有特别的意义.30年来,东盟与欧盟的关系虽然经历过诸多曲折,但基本上是处于不断调整和加强的状态.特别是随着冷战结束后世界经济全球化和区域经济合作进程的加快,东盟与欧盟关系在共同利益的驱动下,正在步人一个新的阶段.本文拟回顾东盟与欧盟30年来双边关系的发展历程,探讨东盟与欧盟关系发展的特点,并对东盟与欧盟关系今后的发展前景做出一些分析和判断.     

Multi-level Games: The Serbian Government’s Strategy towards Kosovo and the EU under the Progressive Party

ABSTRACT

Since the signing of the historic ‘Brussels Agreement’ on 19 April 2013 on the normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia, Serbian President Aleksandar Vu?i? and the Progressive Party have oscillated between competing tensions emanating from seeking membership in the European Union and those stemming from the retention of Kosovo, including the party’s uncompromising position on non-recognition. Following two-level game theory, this paper offers a comparative analysis of the Progressive Party’s multi-level game strategy vis-à-vis Kosovo and the EU, arguing that while the initial success of the Brussels Agreement can predominantly be attributed to the rise in popular support for EU accession, Serbian policy towards Kosovo appears to be far less clear and often contradictory and therefore, Serbian government strategy cannot have been influenced by public opinion.     

欧盟战略自主与欧版“印太战略”

为提高国际社会影响力,实现“新安全战略”,应对“美国优先”、英国“脱欧”等危机和挑战,欧盟强化战略自主并培育安全力量建设。随着印太地区地缘战略重要性的增强,欧盟及其成员国不断加强与印太的联系,力求成为该地区新的战略参与者。欧版“印太战略”,以日欧贸易协定为蓝本,优先发展对日关系,联合介入印太,通过与印太国家签订双边或多边自由贸易协定,探索在这一地区建立多边自由贸易体系;强调经济与安全并重发展;法英在欧盟介入印太过程中充当先遣队。它以维护自由与开放、繁荣和稳定的印太秩序为切入点,使欧盟成为这一地区解决传统与非传统安全问题的利益攸关方,谋求与中美在印太地区实现战略平衡。     

Hybrid Hegemonic Masculinity of the EU before and after the Arab Spring: A Gender Analysis of Euro-Mediterranean Security Relations

In the academic literature on EU–southern Mediterranean relations, a focal point of neglect has been the gendered dimension of Euro-Mediterranean relations. This article argues that the Euro-Mediterranean space has been formed within the gendered global West/non-West relations with the purpose of promoting the West's security interests. Euro-Mediterranean security relations, thus, embody a gendered power hierarchy between the hybrid hegemonic masculinity of the EU (bourgeois-rational and citizen-warrior) and the subordinate (both feminized and hypermasculinized) southern neighbourhood. In addition, it shows that following the Arab Spring the EU has been determined to maintain the status quo by reconstructing these gendered power relations. This gender analysis contributes to the literature on Euro-Mediterranean relations through its specific focus on the (re)construction processes of gendered identities within the West/non-West context in tandem with the EU's competing notions of security.     

Myths of Commonwealth Betrayal: UK–Africa Trade Before and After Brexit

Abstract

This article critically interrogates claims that a British exit from the European Union (EU) (Brexit) will create opportunities for the UK to escape the EU’s apparent protectionism and cumbersome internal politics in order to pursue a more liberal and globalist trade agenda based on the Commonwealth. Taking a historical view of UK and EU trade relations with the Commonwealth in Africa, the author highlights the way in which the incorporation of the majority of Commonwealth states into the EU’s preferential trading relationships has reconfigured ties between the UK and its former colonies over time. Further, the author suggests that the EU’s recent attempts to realise a vision for an ambitious set of free trade agreements in Africa—the Economic Partnership Agreements—was disrupted not by EU protectionism or internal politics but rather by African resistance to the EU’s liberal agenda for reciprocal tariff liberalisation and regulatory harmonisation. The UK therefore faces a complex challenge if it is to disentangle its trade relations with Africa from those of the EU and to forge its own set of ambitious free trade agreements with African Commonwealth partners.     

The Commonwealth Caribbean and Europe: The End of the Affair?

Abstract

The institutional relationship between the Commonwealth Caribbean and the European Union (EU) dates back to the mid-1970s, when the Lomé Convention was signed. The agreement was seen as a high water mark in First–Third World relations. However, since then the bond has come under concerted pressure. The consequence is that today the particularism that underpinned relations for so long has almost vanished and the EU is beginning to treat the Caribbean like any other relatively marginal region of the world. The article evaluates the reasons for this change, in particular: the scrapping of the trade protocols; the erosion of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) preference due to free trade agreements signed by the EU; the refocusing of EU development policy towards the least developed countries; and the split in the ACP group with the creation of an ill-designed regional Economic Partnership Agreement. The article places these changes into starker relief by assessing briefly the deepening links between the United Kingdom Overseas Territories and the EU. However, as the article highlights, this link will neither reboot nor sustain the more important Commonwealth Caribbean–EU relationship.     

Towards conflict or cooperation? The Ukraine crisis and EU-Russia relations

The Ukraine crisis and Russia’s contribution to it have raised numerous concerns regarding the possible emergence of a new ‘Cold War’ in Europe. At the same time, Ukraine’s popular choice and enthusiasm for European integration expressed clearly on the streets of Kyiv seem to have caused Russia to adopt a (neo)revisionist attitude. In this context, relations between Russia and the EU (and the West for that matter) have been limited, frozen and directed on path towards conflict. This article analyses how the traditional dichotomy between conflict and cooperation in EU–Russia relations was replaced by conflict in the context of the Ukraine crisis. The article contends that the breakdown of the symbolic and peaceful cohabitation between the EU and Russia has been influenced by the fact that both actors have chosen to ignore key tensions that characterized their post-Cold War interactions. The article identifies three such tensions: the first emphasizes divisions between EU member states and their impact on coagulating a common EU approach towards Russia; the second (geopolitical) tension highlights the almost mutually exclusive way in which the EU and Russia’s security interests have developed in the post-Soviet space; finally, the third contends that a clash of values and worldviews between the EU and Russia makes conflict virtually unavoidable.     

Market Power and Misunderstandings: The Case of EU‐Australian Trade Diplomacy

The article critically examines EU‐Australia relations through the negotiation of the 1994 and 2008 Agreements between Australia and the European Community on Trade in Wine. EU‐Australia relations are often characterised as defined by Australia's focus on the UK and the EU's agricultural policies. This article moves beyond these assumptions and analyses the negotiation of the wine trade agreements through three factors: the pattern of political institutions, power asymmetry and subjective utility of non‐agreement alternatives. It argues that perceptions, miscalculations, and misunderstanding have had an impact on how these factors shaped negotiation outcomes. These negotiations are an under‐studied case in the development of EU‐Australian relations, and are useful in understanding how the perceptions of negotiators shape outcomes in the EU's negotiations with Australia.     

The evolution of EU–South Africa relations: What influence on Africa?

South Africa and the European Union (EU) have a longstanding relationship. Their interaction has evolved through various phases, characterised simultaneously by ambitious partnerships coupled with a degree of wariness. As international dynamics change and Africa becomes an increasingly crucial player in global politics, the relationship between the EU and South Africa exerts a host of influences on how Africa and Europe relate to each other. This article discusses the evolution of EU–South Africa relations and highlights direct and indirect influences that this relationship has on the inter-regional partnership between Africa and Europe.