习仲勋在陕甘边革命根据地时期军事思想的哲学分析

陕甘边革命根据地斗争的最大成功经验就是以马列主义、毛泽东思想为指导,结合陕甘边革命根据地的历史、地理和社会等具体环境,坚持走井冈山道路。习仲勋同志作为陕甘边革命根据地的主要领导人之一,在这段时期的革命斗争中逐步形成了自己独特的军事思想。系统而有层次地对习仲勋在陕甘边革命根据地时期军事思想进行哲学分析,是一项重要的基础性工作,具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。     

土地革命时期毛泽东信念观探析——重温《井冈山的斗争》与《星星之火， 可以燎原》

1927年大革命失败后,中国革命进入了十年土地革命时期。期间党与红军内部出现了"右"倾悲观思潮,并几度提出"红旗到底打得多久"的疑问。对此,毛泽东在《井冈山的斗争》与《星星之火,可以燎原》等著作中给予了科学回答,形成了毛泽东信念观:坚定信念创建农村革命根据地;坚信红色政权的发生、存在与发展既是可能的,也是必然的;坚信星火必燎原,中国革命高潮必将到来。毛泽东信念观的形成是大革命失败后时局变化的产物,是实行正确政策的必然结果。     

学习型领袖--毛泽东

毛泽东是近现代中国最伟大的革命家,同时也是一位知识渊博的大学问家.他终生畅游在知识的海洋里,直到心脏停止跳动.他的学习精神可圈可点,永远值得我们发扬光大.     

The Chinese cultural revolution revisited: The role of the nemesis

This paper takes issue with the tendency to ‘reduce’ the Cultural Revolution to elite conflict, specifically the ‘two‐line struggle’ between Mao and his erstwhile heir apparent, Liu Shaoqi. There was elite conflict before the Cultural Revolution but the basic reason for the elite split was the Cultural Revolution itself, which Liu Shaoqi and most other members of his generation of senior officials strongly opposed until Mao reprimanded them. Liu was subsequently made the focal ‘human target’ as an expedient designed to unify the movement against a common adversary. Although unsuccessful in coordinating the movement, his role as nemesis infused the movement with negative meaning as its more positive goal of reviving a revolutionary ‘spirit’ was discredited by Red Guard excesses. Liu Shaoqi leaves an ambiguous legacy, consisting on the one hand of a pragmatic endorsement of economic and social reform that has since become extremely successful, and on the other hand of a classic defense of Confucian‐Leninist ideals of organizational rectitude that have proved difficult to resuscitate.     

关于土地革命战争时期的毛泽东党建思想研究

土地革命战争时期，毛泽东在多篇重要的讲话、报告和文章中探讨了在当时的历史背号下中国共产党的自身建设问题，其内容主要涉及到党的思想建设、组织建设和作风建设等方面。进入21世纪，中国共产党人重温毛泽东土地革命战争时期的党建思想，对做好新时期的党建工作给予诸多而有益的重要历史启示。     

From Rural Revolution to Urban Revolutionization: A case study of Luzhongnan

Based on materials from local archives and the author's interviews in Shandong Province, this paper uses case studies in the Luzhongnan prefecture to trace how the rural revolutionaries rose to prominence and to discuss their cultural impact on Mao's urban revolution after 1949. The paper begins by examining the intellectual origin of the Chinese revolution in this region, and then moves to a discussion of the end of political urbanism in the anti-Japanese War and the Civil War. As a result of wartime mass mobilization, peasants became the most dynamic forces in the political arena. Peasant cadres were systematically recruited and trained to run local governments. Eventually, they surpassed the revolutionary intellectuals both in number and in importance. When the CCP came to power, the peasant cadres were assigned to take over urban China. These rural revolutionaries were committed to the mission of creating a 'new socialist man', and rural revolutionary culture became the cultural orthodoxy of the People's Republic of China. This paper explores the nature and characteristics of the political and cultural programs, referred to as 'cultural de-urbanization', launched by Mao Zedong and his rural revolutionary followers in order to remold the urban people's mentality by the rural revolutionary tradition and practice.     

民主革命时期毛泽东对党的建设科学化的探索

民主革命时期，基于党内存在不适应革命需要、不符合党的宗旨和性质的状况，以毛泽东为代表的中共第一代领导集体，从遵循政党自身建设规律和社会活动规律出发，对党的指导思想、思想建设、作风建设进行了科学化的探索。而重视调查研究、注重从实际出发；重视把党的建设科学化体现在常规工作中则是毛泽东科学化探索的突出特点。     

论百色龙州起义对中国特色革命理论的贡献

百色、龙州起义是邓小平等中国共产党人在继承毛泽东探索中国革命道路过程中的一次重要尝试,开辟了广西工农武装割据的新局面,谱写了中国土地革命战争史上的光辉篇章,对中国特色革命理论的形成做出了历史性贡献。邓小平在这一时期的实事求是思想,还成为改革开放新时期实事求是思想路线的重要理论资源。     

毛泽东"保护私有财产"思想考论

从建立新民主主义社会出发,毛泽东在马克思主义发展史上明确提出了“保护私有财产”的思想。这一思想的形成经历了由模糊到明晰、由承认到保护的发展过程,呈现出区分性、层次性和稳定性的理论特质。由于历史条件和个人经历的限制,毛泽东混淆了私有财产权利与私有制的界限,未能准确厘定私有财产存在的时限,对私有财产的保护力度不够,存在着平均分配私有财产的倾向。但这一思想在马克思主义私有财产观发展史上起到了承上启下的重要作用,有力地推动了中国革命和建设事业的发展。     

Land Distribution in Mao's Investigations: poverty and class struggle

Mao's rural surveys, or investigations as he called them, conducted in the red base area in Jiangxi and Fujian provinces between 1927 and 1934, have long been overlooked in the scholarship especially in interpreting the issue of landownership inequality. Mao highly valued the role of investigation, and the importance of investigations to the formation of his view of class struggle and to his strategy-making is doubtless. This study for the first time reveals that Mao did not establish his macro conclusion of land distribution inequality on his gathered data, and that landownership concentrations were not so drastic in the red base area as Mao described. This study argues that other dimensions of rural inequality, including high debts, rentals, interest rates, and security deposits, appear as the greatest encumbrance to peasants and play a more important role in aggravating class confrontations. This study also argues that the role of poverty is critical in understanding the structural nature of the Communist Revolution. From poverty, Mao discovered not only a majority of the people but also moralism to support his revolution.     

略论毛泽东的农民利益思想

毛泽东认为农民问题是中国革命与建设的根本问题 ,毕生致力于实现农民的利益 ,一方面重视和支持农业 ,确立农业在国民经济中的基础性地位 ,引导和帮助农民发展生产 ,一方面减轻、限制农民负担而使民不伤 ,赋税取之有度 ,这是毛泽东农民利益思想的基本内容。     

毛泽东吏治思想研究

毛泽东吏治思想主要来源于马克思主义,深受中国传统吏治文化的影响,与毛泽东个人革命和社会主义建设的实践具有密切的联系,有毛泽东个人品质的影响。毛泽东吏治思想的目的在于为中国共产党牢固树立为人民服务的宗旨,为人民服务既是毛泽东吏治思想的基本内容又是其吏治思想的目标,反映了在行动和目标上保持高度一致的特性,在理论和实践上的高度统一。毛泽东对于吏治基本方法是强调通过社会主义民主,通过反对主观主义和官僚主义,加强社会主义民主建设,让人民监督政府,人人负责,以保证始终坚持为人民服务的宗旨。     

毛泽东积极防御战略思想及其在警卫工作中的运用

积极防御思想是毛泽东战略思想的核心内容。在构建社会主义和谐社会的大背景下，灵活运用毛泽东积极防御战略思想指导新时期警卫工作实战，在警卫执勤中做到充分准备、力争主动，灵活机动、先发制人，积极防御、攻防结合，对加速警卫部队质量建设，圆满完成警卫任务具有重要的指导意义。     

试论毛泽东对中国传统民本思想的超越

毛泽东以马克思主义唯物史观为指导 ,批判地继承和吸收了中国传统民本思想的精华 ,加以改造创新 ,形成了毛泽东群众路线的观点 ,毛泽东在扬弃和超越中延续了中国传统文化的生命力。     

Mao Zedong on contradictions under socialism revisited

This paper explores the political background to, the reasons behind, and the stages through which Mao Zedong reversed the position of the Resolution of the 8th Party Congress of 1956 on the issue of the major domestic contradiction in China. Relying on recently published Chinese sources, both primary and secondary, the paper argues that Mao arrived at his position, in which the primacy of class struggle was once again asserted, principally as a result of his negative assessment of the criticism leveled against the CCP in the Party rectification of May 1957, but in an ambivalent and diffident frame of mind, and one highly sensitive to the question of theoretical orthodoxy. Mao's reversal on this crucial issue both confused his colleagues in the CCP CC and aroused strong arguments within that body.     

毛泽东民族理论特征论析

毛泽东民族理论作为毛泽东思想的有机组成部分 ,是马克思主义民族理论同中国民族问题的实际相结合的产物 ,具有时代性、独创性、科学性、实践性、原则性和策略性等鲜明特征。总结和认清这些特征 ,对今天建设有中国特色的社会主义过程中正确解决民族问题 ,坚持和发展毛泽东思想具有重要的理论和实践指导意义。     

Ideological and political tendencies of factions in the red guard movement

This paper observes the most important ideological and political tendencies of the Red Guard Movement during the first three years of China's Cultural Revolution. This paper focuses on the differences between them—the Old Red Guards, conservative Red Guards, rebel Red Guards and ultraleft Red Guards. The Old Red Guards were the initiators of the Red Guard movement. They mainly attacked the intellectuals, overthrown ‘class enemies’ and some leaders in the educational and cultural fields. The core members of the Old Red Guards were children of leaders. They stressed their red family background and strove for political and social superiority and privilege. The conservative Red Guards followed the example of the Old Red Guards but depended on and defended the local Party's leadership. The rebel Red Guards mainly attacked the power holders and the organs of the Party and government. They came from the social groups that had been out of power. In politics, they relied on the support of Mao and the left wing of the Party. The ultraleft Red Guards negated and criticized the political leadership and the existing system as a whole. They were in small groups and suppressed by Mao and his headquarters but they left independent thinking on Chinese politics and society.     

论马克思刑罚对象观的价值与启示

伟大的马克思主义创始人马克思把毕生精力投入到了无产阶级解放的伟大事业之中,无暇全面、专门地研究和阐释刑罚问题。他虽然没有建立起一套完整的刑罚理论体系,但却有许多关于刑罚问题的重要论述。其中关于刑罚对象的论述具有深刻的理论内涵,时至今日仍然具有重要的研究价值。以求真务实的精神和与时俱进的态度系统地学习和研究马克思刑罚对象观,对于人们审视、评价和完善现行刑罚的功能及作用,建立科学的社会主义刑罚理论体系,具有重要的指导意义。     

Coupling and Uncoupling Chinese Style

DECADES ago, in the era of the ＂cultural revolution＂ （1966-1976）, love and marriage bore a heavy political burden; the little red book （Quotations of Chairman Mao） was presented in place of a wedding band, or generally served as a token of love and engagement. Imagine how outlandish it seems to young people today to read love letters that pine： ＂I hope you can arrange your work, study and life well, so as to sustain your ideals and revolutionary zeal, and not degrade into an uncouth and lowly person.＂ But such sentiments were typical 40 years ago in decent young men and women, who often delivered revolutionary pep talks instead of whispering ＂sweet nothings.＂     

The maid of Chinese politics: Mao Zedong and his philosophy of struggle

The basic law of dialectics is the unity of opposites. It is natural for Marxists to stress opposites rather than unity, for it advances the doctrine of class struggle. Mao adopted Lenin's proposition that the unity of opposites is transitory, while the struggle of opposites is absolute. However, both Lenin and Mao failed to see the logical inconsistencies between this proposition and the law of the unity of opposites.

Stalin, who disagreed with the concept of “identity of contradiction,” asserted that the process of development is achieved through combat rather than harmony. Mao at first disagreed with this philosophy and advocated the unity of opposites. This accounted for the polemic of “the identity of thinking and being” in China, from 1959 to 1962.

However, in 1964, Mao launched a campaign to criticize “two combined into one “ and to propagate his own idea of “one divided into two.” The chief reason for this was that Mao needed an ideological legitimization for the schism with the USSR. This was a turning point in Mao's philosophy, for it implied the abandonment of the “unity of opposites” and a retreat towards Stalin's viewpoint. Ultimately Mao devised his “philosophy of struggle” to serve as the guiding philosophy for the Cultural Revolution.