龚育之与马克思主义中国化研究

龚育之是我国著名的马克思主义理论家和中共党史学家。他长期致力于马克思主义中国化问题的研究，提出了马克思主义中国化历史进程的总的概括、马克思主义中国化要突出“探索”两个字、马克思主义的当代化和民族化问题、马克思主义中国化进程中的“异端”问题等一系列创新观点和重要论断，为深入推进马克思主义中国化的研究做出了杰出贡献。     

苏东剧变以来法国马克思主义研究综述

苏联和东欧解体后,社会主义的前途迷雾重重,对马克思主义的否定论调声声迭起.这样的背景使得法国的马克思主义研究呈现出新的特点.法国马克思主义理论界围绕着社会主义的模式、资本主义的新变化和马克思主义理论的解读展开了广泛的研究和讨论,召开了一系列的会议,形成了一些具有代表性的观点.     

地方性空间生产知识——都市马克思主义的理论形态

<正>受国际都市研究、社会理论空间转向以及马克思主义空间理论和城市理论影响,以及国内城市问题和新型城镇化实践的激发,都市马克思主义受到国内相关领域的重视。这也带来了一系列基础性的学术和理论问题,例如,如何理解都市马克思主义的理论属性和意义,如何展开都市马克思主义研究。本文试图提出一种主张:地方性空间生产知识乃是都市马克思主义的理论目标和表现形态。在我看来,"都市马克思主义"这个术语既不是像     

探寻帝国主义理论发展的新思路——美、英马克思主义经济学研究主题之一

自列宁在本世纪初创立马克思主义帝国主义理论以来,资本主义经济关系已发生了深刻的变化,出现了一系列引人注意的新情况、新特征。面对现实,美国和英国的一些被称为马克思主义经济学家的学者,对马克思主义帝国主义理论当代发展问题作了多方面的探讨,构成了他们对马克思主义经济学研究的主题之一。他们提出的许多理论观点瑕瑜互见,其中不乏对马克思主义帝国主义     

国外马克思主义中国化研究述评

国外学者对马克思主义中国化的研究集中在马克思主义在中国的早期传播、马克思主义中国化命题、马克思主义中国化的理论成果、马克思主义中国化的当代进程等四个方面。国外学者在这四个方面取得了不少研究成果,提出了一系列富有创见的观点,但不可否认也存在一定的局限性。     

新时代马克思主义中国化的研究进展和发展趋势

党的十八大以来,伴随着中国特色社会主义进入新时代,马克思主义中国化研究呈现出一派繁荣发展的景象,在马克思主义中国化的逻辑起点、历史进程、基本问题、理论成果,以及马克思主义与中国传统文化的关系、重要时间节点与马克思主义中国化的关系等方面,取得了一系列重要研究成果,体现出更加注重学科建设、更加注重问题意识、更加注重话语体系建构、更加注重马克思主义时代化大众化的新特点。从发展趋势看,应进一步强化马克思主义基本理论研究,关注重大理论和现实问题,坚持全方位研究,从而更好地推动马克思主义中国化不断向纵深发展。     

关于“经典西方马克思主义”的研究

有学者提出"经典西方马克思主义"概念,其所指就是"西方马克思主义"。"西方马克思主义"是一种复杂的文化、理论现象。对它的研究,意义不仅在于理论方面,也在于实践的、现实的方面。就"西方马克思主义"提出的一系列理论、观点来说,有重新认识的必要,应有一个总结、反省,在其研究的方法论方面有新的认识和提高。     

当代中国的政治学与政治发展

新中国的建立,为马克思主义政治学在中国的发展开辟了广阔的天地,但是由于各种历史原因,作为一门独立的学科,中国的政治学经历了一个曲折的发展过程。20世纪80年代以来,我国政治学有了较大发展,形成了一批优秀成果,也存在着一些需要克服和解决的问题。为了促进学科健康发展,适应坚持和完善发展中国特色社会主义事业的需要,中国的政治学应当根据实施马克思主义理论研究和建设工程的要求,在政治学一系列基本理论和重大现实问题上不断加强马克思主义研究,以牢固确立和发展中国化的马克思主义政治学理论观点。     

新马克思主义经济学对新自由主义和经济全球化的批判

新马克思主义经济学又称激进经济学,是现代经济学的一个流派.20世纪90年代初,新马克思主义经济学再度复兴,出现了一些新的研究动向.新马克思主义经济学家围绕经济全球化的本质、特点、影响及其同马克思主义的关系等一系列问题,进行了广泛深入的探讨,对新自由主义和经济全球化进行了批评,并从资本主义的全球化危机的角度,论证了资本主义必然被一种新的、更加合理的社会经济发展模式替代的结论.     

毛泽东与20世纪中国社会的伟大变革学术研讨会综述

为纪念毛泽东同志逝世30周年,全面总结毛泽东思想研究的最新理论成果,推进马克思主义中国化进程,由中共中央文献研究室文献研究中心、中共中央党校马克思主义研究基金会、湘潭大学和韶山管理局,联合在湖南省湘潭市召开了“毛泽东与20世纪中国社会的伟大变革”学术研讨会。来自全国的近百位专家学者参加了此次研讨会。会议围绕毛泽东思想对中国近、现代社会的影响等一系列重要问题进行了深入研讨。一、关于毛泽东与马克思主义中国化问题1.毛泽东对马克思主义中国化的贡献。有学者指出,毛泽东的《反对本本主义》吹响了反对教条主义的号角,成为…     

Ethics revisited in a society in transition: the case of the former East Germany

Since 1990, the German government has been demanding from the civil servants of the former East Germany a new adaptability and creativity that was never promoted in the GDR bureaucracy. The article analyses the change of ethics in the former East Germany after 1990. It looks at the development of the German civil service, discusses the economic disparity between East and West, and examines the ethical tradition in the former socialist country. It uses the case of the selection in 2001 of the city of Leipzig by BMW as the location of a new manufacturing plant as an illustration of the new goal‐oriented activities of the present Eastern bureaucracy. More than 250 European cities were competing for the new plant, which will create over 10,000 jobs. The level of performance of the Leipzig bureaucracy in the BMW case reveals the new efficiency and professionalism of the former Eastern civil service. In addition to Leipzig, virtually all the local and state administrations from the former East Germany have developed a sense of the necessities of the time, including globalization. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Race,Islamophobia and the politics of citizenship in post-unification Germany

ABSTRACT

In the immediate aftermath of German reunification, as in the wake of the recent humanitarian crisis, Germany experienced notable ‘peaks’ of racist agitation and violence. In the 1990s, as today, the post-Communist eastern regions of Germany tend to be perceived as the hub of such racism. In this article, Lewicki revisits both ‘peaks’ via an examination of numerical evidence for verbal and physical racist violence in the former East and West of Germany. Rather than conceiving of racism as ‘cyclical’ or a specific legacy of the Communist dictatorship, her analysis suggests that political projects in Germany’s past and present have retained distinct structural incarnations of race. Far-right activists could thus successfully channel animosities resulting from the terms of unification into nationalist and racist resentment: momentarily more so in the East, but increasingly also in the West. The politics of citizenship, Lewicki argues, has provided a key means of perpetuating, reaffirming and cementing racialized hierarchies in the two post-war German states, but also in reunified Germany.     

Societal Transformation and the Creation of a Regional Party: The PDS as a Regional Actor in Eastern Germany

This paper examines the position of the PDS (Party of Democratic Socialism) within unified Germany. The transformation of the GDR's political, economic and societal structures, coupled with the legacy of 40 years of state socialism, has created space for a regional party to establish itself on the territory of the former East Germany. The manner and means that the transformation has taken have enabled a process of separate identity-creation to begin in eastern Germany, and the PDS has mobilised territorial difference in order to carve a new niche as an eastern German interest party. The PDS, the heir to the SED dictatorship, has moulded itself into a strong regional actor on the basis of a reinvigorated societal cleavage along the former border ? and appears to have successfully secured a place in the German political landscape for at least the next generation.     

Das institutionelle Erbe des „Treuhand-Regimes“ in Ostdeutschland: Zentralisierung oder Auflösung in der bundesstaatlichen Normalverfassung?

The unification of Germany in 1990 deeply affected the traditional structure and mechanisms of the former West German federal state. The grave and deeply rooted economic problems in East Germany as well as the strong position of the federal government and the relative weakness of the East German state governments during the economic transformation made it highly possible that a centralization within the federal state even beyond East Germany would occur. Empirical research on the privatisation agency ‘Treuhandanstalt’ and its successor organisations, which is presented in the article, demonstrates what development the relationship between the federal and the East German states has taken in this policy area since 1990. The article further analyses if the centralization thesis can be confirmed and what can generally be concluded about the essential characteristics of the current federal system.     

Report Card from East Germany

Based on extensive field research that the author has conducted in eastern Germany since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, this essay discusses the history of communist education in East Germany and its relevance for Western education today. Among the topics addressed are the differences between “propaganda” and “enlightenment” according to communist ideology, the structure of the East German system of education and extracurriculars, how that system fostered “textbook Reds,” and how its curricular materials portrayed the USA.     

In search of reliable results: Socialist values and political trust in unified Germany – A comment on Campbell's analyses and conclusions

In a recently published article in this journal, Ross Campbell argues that adherence to socialist values establishes a hitherto neglected factor when it comes to the explanation of differences in East and West German citizens’ political trust. As the results of his study indicate, adherence to socialist values impacts negatively on citizens’ political trust, this effect is more pronounced and more stable over time for East German as compared to West German citizens and is sufficiently strong to eliminate aggregate‐level differences in political trust between East and West Germany. However, this research note suggests that Campbell's article contains several substantial inconsistencies and obscurities that question the reliability and validity of the empirical findings presented. It provides a re‐analysis of Campbell's main arguments and shows to what extent his initial conclusions can be upheld after the shortcomings have been remedied. The results of this re‐analysis suggest that socialist values indeed exhibit a negative impact on German citizens’ political trust, which is relatively stronger for East as compared to West German citizens. However, contrary to Campbell's initial results, the negative effect of socialist values on political trust is robust over time for both East and West German citizens. What is more, there is no empirical evidence confirming that differences in adherence to socialist values between East and West German citizens are sufficiently strong to account for aggregate‐level differences in political trust. In light of these findings, two of Campbell's three main conclusions are dubious and call for further examination.     

Voters' party preferences in multiparty systems and their coalitional and spatial implications: Germany after unification

How should party preferences of voters in a multiparty system be measured, compared and aggregated? We use city block metric of distances between the pairwise comparisons of the five German parties (1995 survey data for West and East Germany). Neither in West nor in East Germany, a party gains the absolute majority of voters' preferences. We derive coalition preferences from the party rankings; the governing coalition of CDU/CSU and FDP is not the winner, compared with other feasible coalitions of the German party system. But the party rankings of the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition leaners are more homogeneous than other groups of coalition leaners. In the second part of the article, we analyze the common structure of all consistent party rankings. Do voters apply the same criteria to evaluate the political parties? Although only a slight majority of individual rankings fit the often used ideological left-right scale, there does not exist a competing one-dimensional order of the parties that would capture more voters. The joint scale of individual party rankings is interpreted as the collective order which facilitates political orientation of voters. This collective order is more pronounced in West than in East Germany where individuals are almost as consistent in their party rankings but where the rankings fit the collective order less well than in West Germany.

     

British Intelligence through the Eyes of the Stasi: What the Stasi's Records Show about the Operations of British Intelligence in Cold War Germany

Abstract

The German parliament's Law on the Stasi Records, passed in 1991, extended the principle of freedom of information to the records of a Communist security service. By so doing, it has given historians, former targets of Stasi intelligence collection and others an unprecedented insight into the operations of such a service. Enough records of the Stasi's trials department have been made available to reconstruct a picture of the work of British intelligence agencies in the years 1945–61, and above all the work of the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS). They show that SIS was a very skilful service which obtained the high-grade intelligence it sought. However, SIS's work in East Germany was undone in the late 1950s by the treason of the KGB's penetration agent in it, George Blake.     

Accommodation or ‘cleansing’: Germany's state employees from the old regime

Two theoretical traditions within comparative political analysis suggest very different answers to the question of what post‐transformation East Central European states should do with bureaucrats from the old regime. A state‐centred Weberian ‘competence’ institutionalism suggests a de‐politicised accommodation and retention of former officials. A society‐centred timing/intensity/mobilisation perspective suggests a politicised ‘cleansing’ of bureaucrats. Applied to the Federal Republic of Germany, the successor regime to the GDR, each perspective is found to be wanting. In their place, this essay offers a distinctly German statist ‘political’ institutionalism combined with a distinctly Western German societalist politicisation.     

A 'participatory revolution' among the German 'unification generation'?

Abstract. This paper presents new data on the differential impact of the East German 'participatory revolution' on attitudes of youth in both Eastern and Western regions of unified Germany. A 1991 Youth Survey indicates that the overall 1991 level of approval for most noninstitutional tactics was roughly similar to the 1980 levels reported in the Political Action Studies. The notable exception was support for political demonstrations which was considerably higher, presumably in response to the participatory mobilization in the East. There was a strong regional effect with demonstrations receiving higher ratings in the East (the former German Democratic Republic) than in the West for all age groups. This apparent 'tactic-specific' effect suggests the 'participatory revolution' is characterized by a 'lead' in the more dramatic tactics and a 'lag' in the more subtle techniques of democratic participation. Western males showed hints of a different age-related pattern than did males in the East, or females in both regions - a finding that may indicate a combination of gender and regional effects. In both regions approval for demonstrations was associated with left-of-center political party preference and with identification with 'new social movements'.