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1.
现代科学技术、信息、网络等催生了全球化,使得世界联系日益加强和紧密。这种全球化的浪潮同时也席卷了现代意义上的民族国家,一方面,不仅在客观上对民族国家的生产方式和生活方式特别是经济规则、政治规则造成了消解,使得社会方式与规则在全球走向融合;另一方面,全球化也使得人们的思维方式、文化理念等主观意义上的东西悄然变化。现代对传统的消解,全球对本土的侵蚀,二者合二为一,同时对社会发生作用。造使得谋求人类发展及建构人类生产规则、生活规则、行为规则的政治也不得不做出相应的反应。本文认为,在全球化进程中,应当站在全球视野和思维的高度上,民族国家的政治妥协是必要的.也是合理的。  相似文献   

2.
经济全球化与区域经济一体化,推动了世界民主化进程,全球治理日益深入人心。传统的民族国家及其国家主权都面临诸多调整和变革的压力:一国国内问题的区域化,甚至国际化日益成为常态;全球性问题必须国际社会协调应对,任何国家已经无法置身事外。抓住世界民主化进程的大势,及时融入世界民主化潮流,已经成为民族国家在国际体系当中有所作为的现实选择。  相似文献   

3.
经济全球化不会使国家和民族利益边界消失.经济全球化不是一个简单的经济问题,它涉及国家与民族利益、领土与主权等各方面问题.经济全球化对民族国家行政管理的影响日益增大.认真研究和把握经济全球化的社会发展趋势,探讨经济全球化我国行政管理应采取的对策是富有意义的.  相似文献   

4.
《学理论》2020,(9)
由资本主义引导的全球化进程为世界各国带来了繁荣也带来了难以调和的社会矛盾,由此滋生的逆全球化思潮在各种主体力量的推动下不断呈现蔓延之势。逆全球化思潮的本质并不是反对全球化本身,而是片面地将全球化的消极后果概括为全球化,同时被各国政治集团所利用以转嫁国内社会矛盾或获得政治利益、还被个别发达国家用作破除全球化旧秩序重建全球化新秩序的一种手段。世界各国应理性地看待全球化问题,不断提高国家治理能力,积极推进多边主义,以更完善的国际治理体系推进全球化的可持续发展。  相似文献   

5.
宋国磊 《求知》2013,(8):59-62
腐败现象伴随着政治社会而产生,并一直困扰着政治社会的发展,世界上没有任何一个国家能够完全杜绝腐败。在当今社会,随着经济全球化的不断推进,腐败已经跨越国界,成为全球性的一大治理难题。人类社会为了反腐败采取了许多措施,但依然任重而道远,特别是处在经济转型和现代化建设关键时期的国家和地区,腐败的危害尤为突出,治理难度也相对较大。  相似文献   

6.
政治吸纳是实现有效政治统治和国家治理体系现代化的一种基本策略,在促进民族国家建构、实现国家治理体系现代化、维护政治稳定的过程中发挥着基础性的作用.政治吸纳是与政治排斥相对应的一个概念,是统治者为了获致和维系政治统治合法性而通过建立制度机制,采取各种方法和手段把特定的社会群体及其成员纳入到主流政治生活之中的活动.研究政治吸纳的功能和机制,对强化国家政治认同、实现国家治理体系现代化有着重要的理论价值和实践意义.  相似文献   

7.
国家治理体系与国家政治安全之间具有深层关系。一方面,国家治理体系的现代化可以在根本上解决国家政治安全所遭遇的困境与难题;另一方面,国家政治安全又是推进和最终实现国家治理体系现代化的基础和前提。国家治理体系现代化视野下中国政治安全面临的挑战主要有:国家治理的功能类型及能力方面与现代社会需求存在一定程度的不适应;国家治理在民主与科学方面还难以充分满足社会发展及公众期待;国家治理过程及结果在公平系数和正义刻度上还与民众需求有一定距离。全面深化改革是维护国家政治安全的根本举措,要充分彰显中国特色社会主义民主的应有作用,促进国家治理体系服务的均衡化,推进国家治理体系走上法治化轨道。  相似文献   

8.
试论文化全球化及执政党的对策   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
一、经济全球化必然带来文化全球化趋势自 2 0世纪 90年代以来 ,对全球化的讨论已成为世界性话题。全球化浪潮正以波涛汹涌之势迅猛发展 ,对当代的政治、经济、文化和社会的生产、生活产生极其深刻的影响。所谓全球化 ,从根本上说 ,是指人类从以往各国家、民族、地域之间彼此分隔的封闭状态 ,走向全球性社会的历史变迁过程 ;具体地说 ,是指在市场经济和科技进步的推动下 ,不同国家、民族和地域之间相互渗透 ,相互依存 ,最终使人类活动突破国家、民族和地域的限制 ,使全球成为一个统一的发展整体。它是一个不依人们的意志为转移的客观现实 ,…  相似文献   

9.
全球化加快了不同国家和民族之间文化的交流和交融,但并没有改变多元文化并存这一世界文化发展的客观趋势。美国等西方国家以"文化全球化"为名进行文化扩张,宣扬未来世界各个国家、各个民族的文化都将消失在单一的"全球化"文化中,其实质是推行文化帝国主义。在全球化背景下保持文化的多元性与保持民族的独立性密切相关。中国要在保持民族文化的"根"和"魂"的前提下,进行文化更新和融合。  相似文献   

10.
族际和谐治理模式下的当代中国少数民族干部政策发展   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
少数民族干部政策是我国民族政策的重要内容,制定科学完善的少数民族干部政策,是落实民族政策的关键,是实现族际和谐治理的关键.族际和谐治理模式下的当代中国少数民族干部政策是指在多民族国家运用国家权力将国内各个民族结合成一个统一的政治共同体,并维护这个共同体的政治过程中的少数民族干部政策的发展.本文主要研究当代中国少数民族干部政策的成效和不足,以及在构建族际和谐治理模式下的当代中国少数民族干部政策的发展趋势、相关问题和少数民族干部政策的发展建议、制度建设等.  相似文献   

11.
This article addresses a dilemma: an effective tax state is a precondition for securing the political stability of economic globalization. But globalization, in the form of tax competition, undermines nation states’ capacity to democratically choose the level, structure and distribution of their tax revenues. To regain democratic fiscal self-determination, international regulation of tax competition is required. Yet, how can a single nation’s right to self-determination be delimited so that all nations can effectively exercise their right under conditions of fiscal interdependence? The article proposes a republican conception of fiscal self-determination and develops two principles of international tax policy and their institutionalization in an International Tax Organization (ITO).  相似文献   

12.
This article examines the development of citizenship within the European Economic Community as a model for citizenship as such, within a global environment. In historical terms, citizenship evolved within the nation‐state, but the nation‐state, which is no longer valid as the exclusive model of economic development, may be inappropriate as a framework for social rights. The fluidity of labour within the European community means that traditional means of political representation within the nation‐state are irrelevant. Within a global context, the economic barriers which are required by nation‐states constitute political barriers to social rights through the vehicle of citizenship. The article considers the European experience of regional politics as lessons for citizenship reform in a global system.  相似文献   

13.
Autonomy has two faces, individual autonomy and institutional autonomy. Political systems not only deal with demands for individual freedom, the traditional rights of citizens to freedom of opinion, association and contract. Institutional autonomy is a pervasive property of all kinds of political systems. To international political systems just as to local and regional political systems, autonomy is a basic property. Both types of systems face the difficult task of maintaining stable relations with the nation state, securing an amount of control for the nation state while retaining some autonomy for themselves. The demand of various regions for independence or semiindependence within nation states has been a dominant theme in the politics of the sixties and the seventies. The autonomy of the nation state is its sovereignty. International political systems present a threat to the autonomy of the nation state, while at the same time they may provide mechanisms by means of which other sources of infringements on autonomy may be counteracted. Autonomy is a fundamental political property. A theoretical understanding of autonomy is conducive to the explanation of those aspects of political systems that are related to stability. Such an interpretation may place autonomy in an equilibrium analysis of how demand and supply of autonomy interacts with other basic political properties like influence and control.  相似文献   

14.
The idea that the values and norms of democracy can also be applied to global politics is increasingly debated in academe. The six authors participating in this symposium are all advocates of global democracy, but there are significant differences in the way they envision its implementation. Some of the contributors discuss if and how substantial changes undertaken by states, mostly in their foreign policies, may also generate positive consequences in global politics. Other contributors address the nature of the international arena and the possible reforms it should undergo starting with the reform of international organizations. The debate combines theoretical aspects with normative proposals that could also be advanced in the political arena and offers a wide range of perspectives on the attempts to achieve a more democratic global political community.  相似文献   

15.
周平 《政治学研究》2020,(1):32-44,M0003
突破中国民族话语中以“民族”概念专指少数民族的思维的限制就会发现,人类历史上的“民族”概念最早形成于欧洲,指的是具有国家形式的人群共同体。这样一种与国家结合在一起的民族,具体表现为国民的共同体,是在一个长期的历史过程中形成的。民族形成后便将形成过程中经历的人口国民化、国民整体化等蕴涵于自身,使其成为蕴涵一系列社会政治机制的人口组织形式,并为欧洲现代社会、现代国家和现代政治的形成奠定基础。在“民族”概念的使用范围拓展以后,不具国家形式的各种历史文化共同体也被以“民族”概念来指称和描述,从而使民族的种类迅速增加。这样的民族共同体又对民族国家的统一、稳定和治理产生着深刻的影响,在国内和国际政治关系中发挥着重要的作用。对如此形态多样和影响深远的民族现象,政治学者不能漠然视之,而必须积极主动地关注和研究。由此形成的民族议题,既是政治学理论和知识体系构建不可或缺的重要方面,也是解释中国现代国家的构建和发展及政治学知识体系完备和创新的重要渠道。  相似文献   

16.
政府转型是国际政治和国内政治互动过程中的重要问题,而政府在面对国际制度挑战中处于核心角色,形成和国际制度相适应的协调制度是政府转型的主要特征.通过大量的实证材料和个案分析,在对国际制度、公共政策协调和发展型政府理论进行理论综述的基础上,阐述了国际制度下的政府转型现象.这种现象指的是在发展型政府国家,国际制度为国内政策制定引入了全球化因素,并促使国家内部建立与国际制度联系的对口协调部门或制度.这些都有利于国际制度进一步塑造国内决策环境.伴随着国际制度的发展,发展中国家决策过程日益专业化和多元化,政府转型成为全球化时代中的一个显著特点.主要采用文献分析和实证研究相结合的方法,在实证研究中采用文本分析和深度访谈的方法.发现,国际制度会通过议事日程和规则的变化、新的配套协调决策机构的建立等来影响部门利益的表达、部门与跨部门的知识(信息)的建构、以及各部门对最后决策形成的意见、建议、交换,并导致新的国内制度的产生.  相似文献   

17.
The constitutional treaty of the EU failed. Why so? Does this failure indicate the end of European integration and the beginning of re-nationalization of European politics? This contribution argues that the failure of the constitutional treaty is due to a process of politicization of the EU. As a result, political processes beyond the nation state are judged increasingly not just on the basis of their effectiveness, but also in terms of the criteria for good political order, such as fairness and legitimacy. The respective governments of the EU member states, however, publicly still take an instrumental approach to the EU. This is doomed to failure and thus the future of the European project is open. Either politics adapts to the new evaluation criteria for European integration or a partial re-nationalization of European politics is indeed likely.  相似文献   

18.
World politics has never been a democratic realm. Now, with interdependence and globalization prompting demands for global governance, the lack of global democracy has become an important public issue. Yet the domestic analogy is unhelpful since the conditions for electoral democracy, much less participatory democracy, do not exist on a global level. Rather than abandoning democratic principles, we should rethink our ambitions. First, we should emphasize, in our normative as well as our positive work, the role played by information in facilitating international cooperation and democratic discourse. Second, we should define feasible objectives such as limiting potential abuses of power, rather than aspiring to participatory democracy and then despairing of its impossibility. Third, we should focus as much on the powerful entities that are the core of the problem, including multinational firms and states, as on multilateral organizations, which often are the focus of criticism. Finally, we need to think about how to design a pluralistic accountability system for world politics that relies on a variety of types of accountability: supervisory, fiscal, legal, market, peer and reputational. A challenge for contemporary political science is to design such a system, which could promote both democratic values and effective international cooperation.  相似文献   

19.
In the post‐Cold War world era, increasing attention is being given to forces of regionalism in global politics. These forces raise the possibility of thinking about citizenship beyond the usual borders of the political communities of nation‐states. Yet the extension of questions of citizenship to regional levels does not dispel the problems of identity formation and the suppression or exclusion of difference in the construction of communities. In the burgeoning discourses of Asia‐Pacific regionalism there is a new orthodoxy which combines elements of neo‐realism, neo‐liberalism and what is often referred to as an ‘Asian way’. But this new orthodoxy neither surrenders nor disturbs sovereign statehood. As a result, discourses of Asia‐Pacific regionalism reinforce the kinds of citizenship granted by political communities of existing nation‐states of the region and fail to recognize difference within and between these communities.  相似文献   

20.
20世纪90年代以来,在全球化与全球化教育、新保守主义和新自由主义等思潮的冲击下,美国的多元文化教育理论进入反思和深化阶段,并且开始从"民族国家多元文化教育"向"全球社会多元文化教育"转向,在新的发展路径中,多元文化教育仍然面临着如何调适国家、民族利益与全世界共同利益,以及文化诉求、经济诉求与政治诉求的复杂关系。  相似文献   

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