民族认同与国家认同:民族国家内部的认同冲突及其治理

由于现代民族与现代国家这两个复杂的概念背后各自持有一套价值旨趣和伦理规范,导致现代民族国家内部始终存在着两种难以完全重合的认同——民族认同与国家认同,而这两种认同的矛盾直接引发了诸多国家治理的难题。同时,在全球化的强力冲击下,“公民”概念也无法继续作为一种连接民族认同和国家认同的有效中介,必须探索一种团结多民族国家全体国民的新路径。而对以“文力”为代表的基于中国文化与历史基因的概念的深入研究,能够为世界提供一种不同于西方的“非我族类”思维惯性的国族整合之道。同时,对中国经验的总结和提炼,也有助于形成一种非“民族国家”模型的国家理论,这种新的国家理论指向的是天下大同、协和万邦的国际秩序。     

朝鲜族聚居地双语教育现状分析——以延边朝鲜族自治州为例

延边朝鲜族聚集地区的双语教学是指少数民族学校使用少数民族语言和汉语言组织教学的一种教学形式。主要就朝鲜族聚居地实施双语教育的依据、现状进行分析,提出解决方案等方面,力求更大程度的给其他少数民族的双语教育提供借鉴,为以后的进一步的探究提供启示与借鉴。     

民间信仰与制度化宗教关系研究——以临沧世居民族民间信仰为个案的考察

以临沧世居民族民间信仰和制度化宗教的关系为个案,对制度化宗教和民间信仰关系进行审视,从而得出:多元共存、互融共生与和谐发展是当前民间信仰和制度化宗教的基本关系。     

宗教档案在民族地区和谐社会建设中的作用——以恩施土家族苗族自治州天主教教案为例

花梨岭教案和施南教案是清末发生在湖北恩施地区的著名天主教案,其宗教档案为现在正确处理宗教关系、民族关系提供历史借鉴,为保护宗教文化,开发旅游资源提供支持,有利于推进民族地区和谐社会建设。宗教档案在民族地区和谐社会建设中的主要作用如下:有利于妥善处理宗教问题,维护民族地区和平稳定;有利于正确处理民族关系,促进民族团结;有利于保护宗教文化和开发民族地区旅游资源。     

宗教与西藏对清朝中央政权的认同

清末由于列强侵略以及中央政权腐败等原因,中央政权处于衰落时期。这个时期中央政权对西藏控制力减弱。由于殖民主义的阴谋和侵略,西藏曾经出现分离现象。但是在这个时期,西藏地方仍能认同中央政权,维持西藏是中国的一部分．宗教是西藏对中央政权的认同的原因。     

身份的启蒙:民族——国家与认同

在涉及国家和民族治理问题上,多民族国家维护和追求统一常常通过公民身份和国家认同来实现;而多民族国家要在这种统一中维持国家安定与社会和谐则需要对民族身份和民族认同认真对待.如果说民族身份与公民身份在概念上的分离是认识民族认同独特性的必要,那么民族身份和公民身份在事实上的同一为加强国家认同提供了可能.     

藏族大学生国家认同、民族认同及文化认同现状调查与分析

我国是一个多民族国家,各民族的国家认同、民族认同及文化认同现状对民族团结和国家稳定意义重大,本调查以藏族大学生为样本,运用调查问卷结合个别访谈方法,对藏族大学生国家认同、民族认同及文化认同现状进行调查,分析原因,探索提高藏族大学生国家认同和主流文化认同对策。     

青海大学生民族认同与国家认同意识调研分析

通过对青海地区大学生民族认同与国家认同意识的调研,了解少数民族同学民族认同与国家认同意识的现状,分析存在的问题,采取对策如下:结合民族团结教育活动,积极开展国家认同教育;利用民族理论与民族政策课的教学平台,增强民族政策认知与认同;加强对西部地区经济发展、生活水平提升的正面宣传,以客观、积极的形象引导青年大学生的观念与态度认知。     

权利、自治与认同:民族认同的制度逻辑北大核心CSSCI

20世纪90年代以来,苏联和南斯拉夫等多民族国家在包括内部民族分裂势力等各种因素的作用下纷纷解体,不断走向碎片化。不单这些国家,多数统一的发达资本主义多民族国家也不能独善其身,深受民族分裂势力的困扰。当前,多民族国家内部民族的分离、分裂运动,致使部分国家面临着严重的族际政治整合问题,有些国家甚至有解体的危险。因此,多民族国家如何在维护其主权的同时整合内部各民族、如何将各民族的民族认同与国家认同相统一,不仅是一个重大现实问题,也是学术研究的重要课题。文章通过对国家与民族关系的阐释,论证了将民族作为一个独立的政治分析单元的理论基础,同时提出了民族整合的制度标准:既能回应和保护民族权利,又能降低民族群体的政治主权要求。促进多民族国家的民族融合需要开展学校语言教育,赋予各民族成员一致性公民权利。     

认同危机与国家安全——基于新疆跨界民族问题的视角

新疆跨界民族问题与国家安全有着十分密切的关系。民族意识膨胀、回归运动、民族分裂主义、跨国犯罪仅仅是新疆跨界民族问题的特殊表现形式,其实质是跨界民族的国家认同危机。新疆跨界民族的民族认同与国家认同既共生互融又冲突对立,从我国地缘安全的视角看,国家认同高于民族认同。在国家认同的建构中要充分尊重与发展新疆少数民族也包括跨界民族的民族认同,实现国家认同与民族认同的整合与互融,从而形成中华民族多元一体的国家认同。     

东南亚华人的身份、地位和权利问题

到20世纪80年代末,东南亚华人基本完成了从华侨社会向华人社会转变的过程,绝大多数都加入了当地国籍成为各国的公民.东南亚华人身份的转变过程由于受到冷战时期的一些时局因素的制约变得复杂而曲折,转变过程的完成意味着长期以来使用的"华侨"称呼已经不能反映实际情况,同时学术研究和实际工作中也应该做出一些相应的调整.华人成为东南亚国家的公民之后,在有些国家可以享有充分的社会政治权利,而在有些国家则受到不同程度的歧视,处于一种二等公民的地位.华人的政治社会地位如何往往并非掌握在华人自身手中,因为除新加坡之外,在各国华人都是少数民族.     

论美国殖民时期烟草大种植园主的绅士身份——以弗吉尼亚为例

本文尝试结合美国研究和文化研究的方法,利用大量事件和书信廓清美国殖民时期弗吉尼亚烟草大种植园主的绅士身份之缘起、构建的大概过程与要素以及自身经历的和所受的挑战。同时,烟草种植文化与绅士身份问千丝万缕的关系得以多角度的梳理,殖民地社会文化的冰山一角也得以再现。     

后现代主义身份政治的衰颓与新民粹主义的崛起

20世纪70、80年代,资本主义进入一个相对稳定的发展时期,大规模阶级斗争相对缓和,新自由主义乘势崛起。作为新自由主义主流运动的补充,后现代主义身份政治发展起来。后现代主义身份政治从经济决定论转向文化和意识形态决定论,从大规模集体行动的逻辑转向分散的斗争。美国金融危机以来,大规模社会运动复兴,经济议题回到政治运动的中心,后现代主义身份政治的文化和自我意识革命逐步衰颓,新民粹主义乘势崛起。在聚焦经济议题和强调集体行动方面,新民粹主义和后现代主义身份政治迥然不同,但是从强调族群的文化和身份差异的角度来说,新民粹主义又把后现代主义身份政治发展到了极端。后现代主义身份政治是与金融资本的上升期相适应的,新民粹主义是与金融资本的下降期相适应的,但二者都因不理解金融资本的本性而把民众运动引向了错误的方向。只有社会主义民主运动才能赋予民众运动以正确的方向。     

Neighbourhood Ethnic Diversity and Orientations Toward Muslims in Britain: The Role of Intergroup Contact

A persistent theme in the British and international debates about immigration and diversity is the controversial claim that living in diverse areas has negative consequences for intergroup attitudes and community relations. In the present paper we test this claim by investigating the impact of neighbourhood diversity and self‐reported intergroup contact on orientations (outgroup attitudes and social distance) toward one religious outgroup: Muslims. Respondents were both White British majority (N=867) and non‐Muslim ethnic minority (N=567) residents of neighbourhoods in England which varied in their proportion of ethnic minority residents. We tested both direct and indirect (via intergroup contact) effects of diversity on outgroup orientations toward Muslims. Results show that individuals living in more ethnically diverse areas—regardless of whether they are White British members of the majority or non‐Muslim members of ethnic minorities—have more positive contact with Muslims, with positive consequences for intergroup relations with Muslims.     

促进西部少数民族地区教育发展的政府责任思考

邓小平同志指出：“社会主义的本质,是解放生产力,发展生产力,消灭剥削,消除两极分化,最终达到共同富裕。”,缩小东、中、西部教育差距,促进教育均衡发展就变成了社会主义本质在教育系统的延伸和体现。在举国上下努力构建和谐社会、落实科学发展观和建设社会主义新农村的大背景下,由于政府对西部少数民族地区教育资源投入不足和优惠政策得不到有效贯彻和落实,目前西部少数民族地区的教育处在一个非常尴尬的地位。本文力图在对西部少数民族地区教育以及教育公平问题的研究探索过程中,提出一些能促进西部少数民族教育发展政府的责任思考。     

Islamic Identity,Nationality and Republicanism in the Process of Islamic Awakening

This paper is going to identify and discuss necessary theoretical principles for reasoning current and future situation of subjects related to Arabic Islamic thoughts. This paper tries to consider typology of vocal groups at Islamic movements involved in the process of Islamic awakening. In this direction, firstly different research approaches will be considered and the main purpose is that how these researches observe the origin of formation of these groups and what is their emphasis in this regard. The key points of their reasoning will be explained and then the explanation, representation and re-definition of these groups are paid attention to. The main idea is that among all analyses and reasoning and view points, the key point is the importance of viewpoint of Islamism in these movements and any analysis will be unreliable reading without reading to this variable,     

Ethnic outbidding and nested competition: Explaining the extremism of ethnonational minority parties in Europe

The classical outbidding model of ethnic politics argues that democratic competition involving ethnic parties inevitably leads to ethnic outbidding where parties adopt ever more extreme positions. However, recent small‐N studies show that ethnic outbidding is only one of a range of strategies available to ethnic parties. This article seeks to explain why some ethnic parties are extremist, whereas others adopt moderate positions. Drawing on the ethnic outbidding and the nested competition model of ethnic party competition, it is hypothesised that the ethnic segmentation of the electoral market, and the relative salience of an ethnically cross‐cutting economic dimension of party competition, account for the varying degrees of extremism. Hypotheses are tested drawing on a novel, expert‐survey‐based dataset that provides indicators for the positions of 83 ethnonational minority parties in 22 European democracies in 2011. Results of ordinary least squares and two‐level linear regressions show that as the economic dimension gains importance, parties become more moderate relative to the party system mean. The electorate's ethnic segmentation has a positive effect on extremism, but this effect is not significant in all models. Contrary to expectations, higher ethnic segmentation of the party system is associated with more moderate positions in the majority of the estimated models.     

四川“三州”民族地区扶贫搬迁战略研究

恶劣的自然条件和和特殊的人文环境导致四川"三州"民族地区贫困人口众多、贫困程度深重,必须进行扶贫搬迁才能彻底摆脱贫困。由于受扶贫搬迁耗资巨大、国家补助太低、可迁入地越来越少等因素的制约,四川"三州"民族地区必须确立战略目标、找准实施重点,保障政策、资金、产业、人才支持,才能确保扶贫搬迁工程的顺利推进。     

Ethnic Cleansing in Silesia 1950-89 and the Ennationalizing Policies of Poland and Germany

The rise of nationalism in Central Europe in the nineteenth century had dire consequences for Silesia, the far-flung, multi-ethnic frontier region of Prussia/Germany, bordering on Austria-Hungary and Russia. The dividing up in 1921 of Upper Silesia between Germany and the newly established Polish nation-state, and the ensuing ennationalization of both regions, triggered off population movements of 300,000 persons before 1939, when Berlin seized the whole of Upper Silesia and embarked on a policy of thorough Germanization. After 1945 this was succeeded by Polonization as Moscow granted most of the German territories east of the Oder-Neisse line (including almost the whole of Silesia) to Poland. In consequence, almost the entire Lower Silesian population either fled, was evacuated in 1944-5 or expelled by 1948, and the region was repopulated by Poles. The same was true in Upper Silesia but to a more limited degree as Warsaw decided to retain most of the local population: as 'Poles', they would 'justify' incorporation of the region into Poland, and they would continue to run the Upper Silesian industries so badly needed for the country's reconstruction. Although officially recognized as Poles, Upper Silesians were treated as second-class citizens. Whereas, by 1960, almost all of the remaining Lower Silesian Germans had been allowed to leave, this option was not available to Upper Silesians who, as a result, became more alienated, more German-orientated and even more deeply identified with their specific ethnic groups. Consequently, although Warsaw could not recognize them as non-Poles as it would contradict the offical myth of the state's ethnic homogeneity, an increasing number were allowed to leave for West Germany, especially after Bonn's major concessions to the Polish Communist regime in 1970 which had the dual effect of making hard-to-come-by goods more available for 'real' Poles, and of replenishing the conservative electorate in West Germany. On the other hand, those who stayed successfully defied Poland's ennationalizing policies by the establishment of various German organizations. The emigration of 1950-89 was in fact an 'ethnic cleansing' as it was originally set off by discrimination on ethnic grounds; the growing disparity in living standards between West Germany and Poland was accompanied of a similar gap in the granting of civil and human rights.