用文化引领大学图书馆和谐发展

文化是一种对世界时时刻刻都有影响的作用力,它无时无刻不在潜移默化地改变着人与世界,文化也是一种软实力,文化建设的好坏关系重大.大学图书馆的文化,同样也影响和改变着它的读者,深入探讨大学图书馆文化建设的问题,对于促进我国大学图书馆的和谐发展具有重要的意义.文章从大学图书馆的重要性入手,结合大学图书馆的物质文化、行为文化、制度文化和精神文化的建设,同时提出在信息社会的今天,如何用文化引领大学图书馆的和谐发展.     

新时期党校(行政学院)读者资源建设研究

读者资源蕴含着知识能力、社会关系、协同合作等因素,是图书馆取之不尽的发展资源。新时期党校图书馆呈现"专家型、外延型、忠诚型"三类读者资源的类型和特点。作为思政文化建设主体的党校图书馆要获得既有广度也有深度的资源,光靠挖掘图书馆自身内部资源是不够的,应充分挖掘党校读者资源的独特性和功效性,积极开发调动读者资源,扩大图书馆资源视角,将读者资源建设真正纳入到党校事业建设和图书馆发展中。     

数字时代校园文化体系中的图书馆文化建设

高校图书馆是大学文化建设的中心和支撑力量,为学校的教学、科研服务。数字化和信息化是现代图书馆的重要发展方向,图书馆是人类智慧文明的积淀,不仅是大学校园文化的投射,而且是一所学校的核心文化载体,往往和学校的价值观念和发展目标相一致。在数字化背景下发展图书馆的文化建设,是值得深入研究的课题。     

党校图书馆是推动和发展先进文化的重要基地

党校图书馆在先进文化建设方面具有重要作用,它是传承先进文化的重要平台,是传播先进文化的前沿阵地,是发展先进文化的重要基地。党校图书馆与先进文化建设紧密相连,密不可分。当前,图书馆面临着大好的机遇和挑战,我们必须充分发挥党校图书馆在先进文化建设中的作用,以良好的对策来迎接挑战。     

图书馆在彰显和提升新世纪城市文化中的地位

文化是一个城市的品牌和灵魂,当代城市已经进入"文化立市"时代;而图书馆是城市文化的重要组成部分,具有彰显和提升城市文化的重要功能;要通过确立"一个基点"和"五个支撑",打造新世纪城市文化体系中的图书馆文化。     

基于系统效率的高校图书馆管理

系统效率能反映出一个单位的管理水平。高校图书馆是一个大的系统。资源、读者、馆员等都是高校图书馆管理中的系统要素。只有建立健全的高校图书馆管理制度,建立良好的信用体系,增强馆员的文化责任意识,培养馆员的制度意识,才能提升高校图书馆的系统效率。     

提升图书馆服务水平 构建公共文化服务体系

图书馆服务是公共文化服务体系的基本方面和重要内容.大力加强各级各类图书馆建设、切实发挥图书馆的文化服务功能,是当前构建公共文化服务体系的客观需求和内在要求,是提升公共文化服务能力的重要途径.     

浅议高校图书馆数字化信息管理发展趋势

高等教育在我国是培养人才的重要途径。高等院校图书馆承担着传播知识、记录历史、弘扬文化的作用,对图书馆建设及发展方向的研究也就显得极为重要。特别是在科学技术飞速发展的今天,传统图书馆的发展速度、管理理念已远远落后,新兴的数字技术结合图书馆资源共享的大方向,图书馆资源数字化已成为高校图书馆发展的必然趋势。分析了传统图书馆管理的弊端,突出了图书馆资源数字化发展的几点优势,并对图书馆资源数字建设提出合理化建议。     

数字图书馆背景下读者档案管理

读者档案是图书馆了解读者信息的重要来源,是图书馆开展资源建设和个性化服务的重要参考依据。在信息服务网络化、数字化的时代背景下,资源建设战略和个性化服务正面临着新的挑战,读者档案管理工作亟待深入开展。剖析了读者档案管理工作的现状及瓶颈问题,从体系构建、资源管理和利用三个方面对读者档案管理的工作方向做了深度阐述。     

图书馆与特色文化大省建设略论

建设特色文化大省，对于树立甘肃新形象，促进甘肃的社会经济发展有着重大的战略意义。无论从图书馆的任务看，还是从图书馆的作用看，都决定着它在文化大省建设中应具有重要地位。甘肃图书馆事业必须抓住建设特色文化大省这一大好机遇，积极发挥其文化功能，奋力拼搏，开拓发展。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。