全面践行总体国家安全观 塑造有利的国家安全态势

百年党史亦是弥足珍贵的维护国家安全斗争史。中国国家安全思想是中国共产党经百年求存图安、当家做主、富民强国实践而升华的国家安全学。新时代、新发展及新斗争,呼唤与之相应的国家安全新理念、新手段和新载体。2014年4月15日,习近平总书记主持召开中央国家安全委员会第一次会议,从战略与政治高度,强调走一条中国特色的国家安全道路,提出对安全与发展、传统安全与非传统安全、国家安全维护与塑造"三大统筹"的重要观念。这既是对国家安全工作的理论创新和实践创新,也是中国特色社会主义思想的"国家安全篇"。总体国家安全观是社会主义中国御风险、谋全局,资长治之纲;是保稳定、促发展,固政权之要;是实现"两个一百年"奋斗目标的坚强保障。     

俄罗斯联邦国家安全战略之地缘政治析

国家安全战略是国家总体战略的重要组成部分,从其涉及的面来看,通常包括对内和对外两大方面。这里所谈俄罗斯的国家安全战略,主要是指其对外部分。今日俄罗斯的安全战略,无论是理论还是实践,基本上是防御性的。本文从地缘政治角度,考察俄罗斯联邦国家安全战略的基本特征。     

蒙古的国家安全战略及中蒙安全战略关系

蒙古作为中国北方的邻国,其国家安全战略的制定与实施,对中国有着极为重要的政治和安全意义.从巩固中国北方边境安全的战略高度出发,继续重视发展与蒙古的关系是中国对蒙安全战略的必然选择,同时,我们也要充分认识到中蒙关系发展中存在的问题及俄蒙关系、美蒙关系对中蒙关系的影响,制定稳妥的对蒙安全战略.     

中国梦的历史解读：两个百年夙愿

中国梦的发生逻辑缘于中华民族由盛而衰的命运跌宕。实现中华民族伟大复兴和社会主义现代化这件事,其内涵之深、意义之大、分量之重、影响之巨,世所罕见。民族独立和国家统一是近代中国人民的夙愿,国家繁荣富强、人民幸福安康、社会和谐稳定是现代中国人民的夙愿。这两个夙愿构成中华民族伟大复兴和社会主义现代化的中国大梦。中华民族从耻辱中...     

从政治整肃到行政规训:新经济政策时期苏维埃政权的知识分子政策

十月革命既是伟大的政治革命,同时也是深刻的"思想革命"以及更为艰巨的"文化革命".新经济政策既是苏维埃政权在经济领域政策的重大调整,也是其在文化政策和意识形态上的重大变化.出于政权安全和国家安全的考虑,苏维埃政权对部分反共反苏知识分子采取了政治整肃、司法镇压乃至驱逐出境的手段,这在当时曾在相当大的程度发挥了积极作用,但同时也遗留下了历史隐患.     

东南亚地区形势:2015年

本文从政治、安全问题与恐怖主义活动、民族纠纷与宗教冲突、经济、东盟国家对外关系以及与中国关系等六个方面阐述了2014年的东南亚地区形势。2014年东南亚地区政治形势总体较为稳定,但原有恐怖主义势力与伊斯兰国相互渗透,以及各类恐怖事件不断发生,成为威胁该地区安全的潜在因素。2014年东南亚地区经济总体表现平淡,各国外交趋于理性、成熟,与中国关系取得丰硕成果。     

法国传统安全观的历史考察

一、安全的概念及相关理论的介绍 安全作为一个概念的基本意义首先是基于国家生存和发展的,也就是说涉及国家是否受到外来威胁以及这种威胁严重的程度。在国际政治范畴内,对安全的定义是以国际环境为基本依据的。所谓的国家安全是主权国家在无政府的国际环境中对自身生存的需求,其核心部分包括政治安全、军事安全和经济安全。政治安全是指国家主权的确立,即代表国家的政府及其制度不受外来因素的威胁,并在国际社会和国内社会中具有公认的法理地位。军事安全指国家领土的完整,即国家领土或领土主体不受外来军事力量的威胁。经济安全指国家经…     

缅甸政治转型与吴登盛政府对华政策调整

缅甸在2010—2011年间发生了政治转型,接替军人执政的吴登盛政府在初期较大幅度地调整了对华政策,但是这种调整是有限度的,缅甸并没有完全倒向西方国家,而是继续和中国保持较为密切的政治接触。实证分析说明,政治制度和意识形态并不是影响吴登盛政府对外政策的关键因素,政权的合法性、基于地缘政治的国家安全、经济发展的需求是导致2011—2016年间中缅关系经历波动期、回摆期和稳定期的根本原因。这三方面因素也是后来民盟政府处理对华关系时的主要考量。     

美印中三角关系互动与国际格局

中国和印度是正在崛起的大国,而美国是世界唯一的超级大国.因此一般认为,美国的利益在于维持国际格局的现状.但实际上,目前"改变现状"的国家不是中国或印度,而是美国.中国、印度与美国的安全战略转变与发展,不但引起三大国之间政治、经济与军事关系的互动,而且对国际格局产生重要影响.印美在2005年7月发表的关于核能合作协定的联合声明,成为印美两国关系互动中的一个里程碑,有可能对美、印、中三国的国家安全及国际格局的秩序带来深远影响.但是,美、印、中三国之间过去的怀疑尚未完全消除,这有可能妨碍美印核能合作协定的执行.而且,即使核协议能消除不利因素的影响而最终得到实现,它也会带来改变现状的多种政治、经济和军事挑战.     

2016年,这些事关乎你我

2016年是中国＂十三五＂的开局之年,也是实现中华民族伟大复兴第一个百年目标的关键之年。2016年的美好蓝图是可期的,中国将进一步在政治、经济、军事等一系列领域展开全面而深入的改革,而我们也将分享到这些行动的成果。个体的命运与国家的发展同脉搏。中国人将更进一步走向世界,不仅是消费领域的＂爆买＂,中国国有、民营经济乃至个...     

Political Change in America and Implications for the US-Japan Alliance

This article examines the domestic political dynamics behind US president Donald Trump’s “America First” approach to trade and foreign policy, to understand better how long this strain of American economic nationalism might last and what it means for Japan’s national security strategy. The political base for Trump’s trade protectionism and apparent indifference to allies has roots stretching back into American history, but this movement has strengthened in recent years due to a combination of growing economic inequality in the United States, demographic changes, and the impact of fast-paced technology development and economic globalization. These political trends are likely to persist beyond Trump’s presidency, although some potential negative effects on Japan and the US-Japan alliance in the medium-to-longer term can be mitigated by Japan’s proactive foreign policy and other steps. The alliance still offers a great deal of value to both countries—now and into the future—but Japan should consider a slightly larger global leadership role in concert with others, even as the allies work to enhance their continued cooperation on shared interests.     

21世纪的中国与俄罗斯:地区挑战与机遇—“瓦尔代”国际辩论俱乐部俄中分组讨论提纲

关于亚太地区当前格局问题,中俄双方学者均认为美国与欧洲先后陷入危机,未来5至8年将呈现收缩态势,在全球尤其是亚太地区的影响力全面衰落。俄方学者认为,在欧美因为经济危机陷入衰退的同时,以中国为代表的亚洲经济体却保持了蒸蒸日上的增长势头,国际经济中心已经向亚太地区转移,国际政治中心也将会向亚太地区转移。中方学者则认为,美国处于相对衰落的过程,而中国、俄罗斯、印度等新兴大国同时崛起,参与全球治理进程,国际权力出现扁平化,竞争的中心向亚太地区加速转移。在亚洲高速发展的现实情况下,美国主导的军事同盟体系已不适应亚洲经济一体化的进程。俄方认为,2011年,美国重返亚洲,利用中国与周边国家的领土争端,加强在本地区的军事同盟体系,大有围堵中国之势。俄罗斯融入亚太需要和平的地区形势,建议在中、俄、美之间建立三边安全机制,为本地区中小国家提供安全保障。中方认为,在新的地区形势下,应当建立与之相适应的地区政治、经济、安全秩序,欢迎并愿意协助俄罗斯在亚洲发挥积极的、建设性的作用。但是新的地区秩序应当是开放性的、包容性的,与亚洲国家多样性相适应的。在积极推动地区经济发展的基础上,逐步推进政治、安全议程。俄方学者认为,欧洲深陷金融危机,短期内不能解决,俄罗斯经济发展重心将向亚太地区转移,着力开发远东和西伯利亚地区,欢迎美国、欧洲、中国等世界各国和地区参与。中方认为,远东西伯利亚地区蕴藏着丰富的资源,并且与中国经济互补性较高,在两国政府的主导下,已经进行了一些合作。随着俄罗斯"东进"战略的逐步明确,双方可以在项目开发、投资等方面进行研究,发挥双方比较优势,深入合作。在中亚地区,美国撤出后的阿富汗将成为本地区新的安全威胁,加上原有的三股势力,中亚地区的安全形势令人担忧。俄方认为,应当发挥上海合作组织安全合作的优势,密切关注阿富汗形势,加强与印度等周边国家的合作。中方学者认为,应当发挥上合组织在安全方面的积极作用,但是解决中亚问题的根本,还在于通过经济合作使中亚国家走出贫困,从而实现长治久安。因此,应当积极推动上合组织框架下的经济合作进程,与欧亚联盟等本地区其他组织加强沟通与合作。     

Haven under erasure?: Hong Kong,global Asia and human rights

Discussions of Hong Kong's human rights situation tend to focus on the ex-colony's struggle to protect civil and political rights against the encroachment of the Chinese state. Without contradicting the well-grounded concern with Hong Kong's human rights future articulated in these discussions, this article offers a complementary narrative of human rights development in post-1997 Hong Kong that looks beyond the national frame of such discussions. Drawing attention to Hong Kong's position as a regional centre in the struggle for human rights in Asia under globalisation, the article argues that the activities of local and transnational human rights advocacy groups in the city show positive and promising possibilities of coalitional solidarity on the ground of human rights. Notably, the protests against national security legislation opened up opportunities of articulating diverse struggles for the rights of various social groups, including migrant groups, with the local struggle for civil and political rights. A perspective of Global Asia enables a reading of this important episode in Hong Kong's struggle for human rights that suggests more open-ended future possibilities than the common nationally-framed accounts.     

Dualistic Identity, Memory-encoded Norms, and State Emotion: A Social Constructivist Account of Chinese Foreign Relations

By tracing the origin and evolution of Chinese nationalism, this paper finds that the dialectical relationship between the Chinese “self” and the foreign “other” has provided the cultural-institutional context for the construction of its national identity. The positional change of the Chinese actor in the self-other interaction—resulting from the institutional shift from the tianxia order to the Westphalian system—and the consequent national humiliation have been embedded in the Chinese collective memory and given rise to the consensual norms ingrained in the national identity. Viewed through the lens of political sociology and identity politics, China’s tenacious struggle for national rejuvenation can be construed as a social practice guided by these memory-encoded social norms. Due to the protracted and ambivalent nature of the state’s purposive action in attaining great-power status on the international stage, the confidence of the resurgent state is compromised by an acute sense of frustration. This identity predicament has engendered a peculiar Chinese state emotion, which has profoundly influenced the in-group members’ evaluation and perception of out-group entities and their behavior in the antagonistic intergroup relations.     

The Commonwealth,Gender and Peacekeeping

Abstract

Reflecting on the strategic commitment outlined in the Plan of Action for Gender Equality (2005–2015) and the priority issues of the Commonwealth Women’s Forum, this article assesses the extent to which the Commonwealth as an institution is supporting troop- and police-contributing member states in addressing the gender imbalance in peacekeeping operations. Drawing on desk-based research, interviews with international policymakers and a statistical analysis of the International Peace Institute Peacekeeping Database, the article first outlines the Commonwealth’s gender and security policy perspective before examining datasets to determine the success of Commonwealth member states in integrating women into uniformed peacekeeping contingents between 2009 and 2015. The article observes that, in spite of a renewed optimism and drive to propel women into leadership positions in politics, the judiciary, public bodies and private companies, security-sector reform and the implementation of pillar one of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 are notably absent from the Commonwealth’s gender agenda. It is argued that this policy gap suggests that national and international security architecture is regarded as an accepted domain of male privilege. A lack of political will among Commonwealth heads of government to mainstream gender equality and facilitate structural transformation of national security organs and a chronically under resourced Commonwealth Secretariat limit the influence of the institution to that of arms-length promoter of international norms on women, peace and security.     

Nakasone Yasuhiro’s “Autonomous Defense” and the Security of Japan

Former Prime Minister of Japan Nakasone Yasuhiro advocated autonomous defense throughout the post-WWII period. Nakasone’s concept of autonomous defense (jishu boei) went beyond the idea of enhancing national defense capabilities—it was accompanied by a rich and varied internationalism that strove toward assuaging neighboring countries’ concerns toward Japan’s remilitarization. Nakasone also actively engaged major western powers in the global debate over nuclear issues during his term as prime minister, and it went beyond the confines of Japan’s bilateral security relationship with the United States. Thus, Nakasone’s autonomous defense concept reflected both the development of postwar Japan and the many turbulent changes in the postwar global security landscape. This essay follows the evolution of Nakasone’s autonomous defense concept during his political career from 1950 to the end of his premiership in 1988 and concludes with an overall assessment of his initiatives regarding Japanese security.     

“印太战略”背景下的中斯合作

近年来,由于印度洋战略地位的提升以及"印太战略"逐步从构想转变为现实,以美国为首的域外国家和以印度为首的域内国家不断加大对印度洋及其周边国家的政治、外交、经济、军事、安全等投入,使得印度洋的大国博弈日趋激烈。这不仅对印度洋周边国家的内外政策产生了重要影响,而且对我国倡议推动的"一带一路"国际合作也产生了深远影响。尽管斯里兰卡是印度洋上的一个小国,人口不多,经济实力不算强,在"印太战略"中也非核心国家,但其独特的地缘政治经济优势成为各方争夺的对象和大国博弈的一个重点。在此背景下,斯里兰卡的国内外政策与形势出现了许多新变化,国内政局稳定性下降,对外政策出现"摇摆",经济增长率下降,民生改善缓慢,恐怖活动增加,民众意见日益多元化,这值得我们在推进"一带一路"国际合作过程中高度关注。     

Chinese debate on military strategy: Trends & portents

The 1980s have witnessed an intense debate by China’s strategic community over a military strategy in response to what Beijing sees as a shifting, but still complex and potentially troublesome, security environment. though the debate is yet to conclude, the broad contours of the new doctrine have been sketched out. Acknowledging that both superpowers are increasingly constrained by economic, political, and military factors in their contest for supremacy, Chinese analysts continue to warn against lowering armed guard at a time when the focus of the arms race is shifting to new frontiers: outer space and oceans. They would like China to strengthen its national defense rather than rely an arms control to mitigate threats to its security. China is continuing its defense modernization program, which will reshape its force structure and enhance its conventional and nuclear capabilities. and the author ofChinese National Security and Nuclear Arms Control [M. E. Sharpe, forthcoming].     

Shifting Domestic Politics and Security Policy in Japan and Taiwan: The Search for a Balancing Strategy between China and the US

This article examines the impact of the changed domestic political environment in Japan and Taiwan in the second half of the 2000s, namely the arrival of administrations with a more moderate China policy, on their respective relations with Beijing and Washington. It seeks to find out the extent to which Japan under the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and Taiwan under the Kuomintang (KMT) may have attempted a policy shift towards accommodation of China at the expense of their respective security ties with America. The article also examines how much impact upon security policy can be traced to the changes in domestic politics in the two cases. The discussion suggests that, irrespective of the altered domestic political situation, the concern that China's growing military power may adversely affect national interests has largely trumped the political will for seeking accommodation, more so in the Japanese case than in the Taiwanese case. While both Tokyo and Taipei have avoided deferring to Beijing's interests, each has sought to strike a delicate balance between engaging China and maintaining defense ties with the US.     

浅析中国与东盟的能源合作

能源是人类社会赖以生存和发展的基本要素之一。随着中国经济的快速增长,中国对外能源需求量逐年增长,能源安全成了人们普遍关注的一个全球性的热点问题。因此,中国应通过积极参与双边与多边的能源合作,采取多元化的油气资源供给途径,来保障中国的油气资源的安全供给。随着东盟与中国政治经济关系的升温,东盟各国在中国的能源安全领域扮演着越来越重要的角色。本文在对中国能源现状进行分析的基础上,对中国与东盟开展能源合作这一议题进行剖析,浅析其合作的必要性、可行性及其前景。