德国刑事执行法律概览

本文从刑事执行的概念、刑事执行法与刑法、刑事诉讼法中的刑事执行(die Strafvollstreckung)、刑事执行法的发展历史、德国现行刑事执行法及其立法特点和启示几个方面介绍了德意志联邦共和国的刑事执行法律制度,旨在为我国的刑事执行法律以及监狱改革和社区矫治研究提供借鉴.     

刑事调解抑或刑事和解——与罗结珍教授商榷

刑事和解与刑事调解虽均以当事人的合意为核心，但两者的本质大不相同。前者系恢复性司法，后者则类似于英美法系的辩诉交易制度。因此，法律翻译应尽量避免另作标签，而须反映制度的本源。     

贪污、贿赂罪：中、法刑事政策的法哲学比较

21世纪的全球"反腐"斗争,其成果(包括2003年12月签署的联合国"反腐败协议"),直接取决于刑事政策理论的完善与实施.所以,该理论的发展及其实践中存在的问题,应是有关刑法学者今后工作的重点①.     

控权抑或效率：法国有组织犯罪刑事特别程序的立法经验与启示

有组织犯罪历来是世界各国预防和打击的重要犯罪领域，而如何实现“控权”与“效率”价值平衡是有组织犯罪刑事程序规则问题研究的重点。为有效预防和打击有组织犯罪，法国围绕“控权”与“效率”问题，通过采用专门立法模式制定了有组织犯罪刑事特别程序适用规则，如案件管辖及冲突化解规则、涉罪财物保全与处置规则以及特殊侦查措施适用规则等，其规则体系的预防性立法特色明显、一体化程度高，但也存在程序易被泛化适用、恢复性司法重视不够等问题，其立法的经验与教训值得借鉴。未来我国应以“控权—效率”为主线，在坚持正当程序原则、兼顾司法效率的总体思路上逐步完善有组织犯罪刑事程序规则体系。     

安仁:加大县内“两反”工作力度

<正>3月12日至17日,安仁县人大常委会就该县人民检察院副检察长周斌的履职整改情况展开调查,常委会会议听取其整改情况报告及整改情况调查报告。报告显示,县检察院加大了"两反"工作力度,集中力量打击了县内侵占涉农资金的"老虎"和"苍蝇"。2013年8月,安仁县人大常委会听取和审议了县检察院副检察长周斌的履职报告。调查发现,其分管的反贪、反渎职侵权工作     

地区性非政府组织政策倡议策略之研究——以法国透明组织为例

反贪倡廉是近年来各国公共管理学界与实务界热烈关注的议题之一,非政府组织在这方面投注的努力不容忽视。各个国家陆续成立了地区性的透明组织,扮演着当地社会反贪倡廉的民间领导者角色。总体而言,法国透明组织的倡议策略呈现出：倡议策略类型与国际透明组织相似、倡议策略面向兼具全球化与在地化、倡议策略重视多方讨论、与各界建立密切的合作关系、倡议工具善用媒体传播管道、倡议时间点与时事现况相结合等多项特色。     

印尼、马来西亚大选后的政治与经济情况述评

印尼与马来西亚是同文同种并具有共同宗教信仰的国家,国情也有许多相似之处.2004年是两国的大选年,大选后马来西亚巴达维政权稳固发展,印尼苏西洛新政府加大反贪反恐和重建经济的力度,两国将步入稳定发展时期.     

中国—东盟反恐合作策略探析——兼论“军事反恐”与“刑事反恐”的差异

从本质上看,中国与东盟存在反恐合作的共同利益,双方应当选择正确的合作策略。中国与东盟应当坚持刑事治理的反恐合作模式,遵守联合国反恐国际刑事政策,制定反恐与打击其他跨国有组织犯罪并举的刑事政策。     

德国五十年刑事立法发展史的考察、评析与启示

自1969年至今,经过五十余年的刑事立法发展,德国刑法中的犯罪范围逐渐扩大,制裁体系日益完善。立法者不仅在侵犯人身法益的犯罪、经济和财产犯罪、危害公共安全的犯罪、环境犯罪和性犯罪等领域增设大量条款,对刑罚、保安处分以及刑事没收制度的改革也卓有成效。近年来,德国刑法在恐怖主义犯罪和有组织犯罪等领域的立法活动非常频繁,不仅体现了刑事立法欧洲化和国际化的特征,也反映出刑罚处罚早期化和重刑化的趋势。整体而言,我国既要对德国先进的立法经验和技术予以借鉴,提高立法的明确性,采取多元化的刑事制裁体系,又要理性看待犯罪圈的扩张,增强立法的实证基础,避免纯粹的象征性立法。     

论期货经纪公司私下对冲、对赌的法律责任

期货经纪公司私下对冲、对赌行为 ,是被我国刑事执法部门长期忽视、遗漏的一种犯罪行为。文章从犯罪的三个基本特征论述了私下对冲、对赌、情节严重的属犯罪行为 ,并依据犯罪的四个构成要件 ,我国刑事法规的有关规定 ,结合私下对冲、对赌的行为特征 ,论述了私下对冲、对赌行为即是我国《刑法》规定的普通诈骗犯罪 ,批驳了我国刑事法规中没有可以适用于私下对冲、对赌行为之规定的错误认识。     

李光耀与新加坡的刑事政策

李光耀对新加坡法治的影响深远,在他的倡导下新加坡整个刑事政策的设置很重视刑罚的威慑作用,如废除陪审团制、保留鞭刑、强力反腐等等.要研究新加坡的政治法律制度,就离不开对李光耀的研究.     

The political economy of judicial corruption in China: a spatial relationship

Like other developing countries, China has been struggling with corruption. Judicial corruption, in particular, damages the rule of law and presents a market disruption as an outcome of a lack of commitment by the government regarding property rights. This article seeks to explain the variations in judicial corruption within China, and it develops a theory of city-level corruption of judges. The theory is tested by an empirical study with data from the World Bank corruption survey using a Bayesian spatial linear model. While wealth appears to diminish corruption, there is also a strong spatial relationship with regard to the level of judicial corruption in China, indicating that as some regions become less corrupt, surrounding areas also experience a diminution in corruption. Thus, through a process organic to the current regime, China could experience an increase in judicial trustworthiness.     

The International Criminal Court and the Darfur crimes: The dilemma of peace and supra-national criminal justice

ABSTRACT

The supra-national criminal prosecution by the International Criminal Court (ICC) of the alleged crimes committed in Darfur raises critical legal and conceptual issues. This article addresses the dilemma of peace, justice and reconciliation from a legal perspective, as well as the justice options that are available. The article also assesses the Sudan's criminal and military laws (both at the substantive and procedural levels) in terms of the country's ability to prosecute international crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. In this respect, the article argues that these laws fall short of international criminal law standards and principles – particularly the amendments introduced after the United Nations Security Council referred the Darfur situation to the ICC. The article critically examines the Sudan government's policy of non-engagement, which ultimately led to supra-national criminal prosecution (represented by the ICC intervention under the complementarity principle of the Rome Statute). Finally, the article interrogates the report issued by the African Union High-Level Panel on Darfur (AUPD), and evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of its recommendations.     

俄罗斯民主化时代的政治腐败--再论"民主不是万应灵丹"

苏联解体后以叶利钦为首的民主改革派所推行的“民主化加私有化”改革,非但没有得到如民主崇拜者所料想的那种“清除政治腐败”、“倡行社会公正”和“振兴国家经济”的效果,反而使俄罗斯陷入了比苏联时期有过之无不及的政治腐败;其结果,导致黑社会组织横行无忌,社会公正被藐视和践踏,经济发展捉襟见肘,国际地位一落千丈的窘境。这种情形不啻是对“民主万能”神话的辛辣嘲讽,其原因有必要引起学术界的反思。     

Corruption or Insecurity? Understanding Dissatisfaction with Mexico's Police

Since at least 2005, Mexico has confronted a severe security crisis that threatens to undermine its rule of law and democracy. An effective police response has been hindered by frustrated citizens who do not report crime, come forward with information, serve as witnesses, or support their police. This foments a vicious cycle whereby insecurity and corruption foster dissatisfaction, which yields further insecurity and corruption. Breaking this cycle requires a better understanding of why citizens are dissatisfied with their police. One view holds that discontent is due to police corruption, but a somewhat rival perspective contends that citizens are primarily concerned with security outcomes. This study uses comparative survey data from 14 major Mexican cities to test these potentially rival approaches. It finds that both corruption and security outcomes matter, but direct experience with bribery has the single largest impact on dissatisfaction with the police.     

The symbiosis of politics and crime in Lithuania

Abstract

The article argues that since the mid 1990s organized crime in Lithuania has undergone significant transformation. During the early 1990s organized crime was characterized by groups challenging the state in the process of privatization of state property. At this time the most important mode of organized criminal activities was coercion, intimidation and violence. Since the mid 1990s the degree of violence typical to organized criminality has declined significantly. Instead organized crime associations have became active in attempting to partially appropriate the state by influencing, bribing and corrupting state actors. Membership of organized crime associations also underwent changes. Formally a number of prominent crime groups were made up of socially homogenous, lower class “outsiders” who used violence as the primary means of domination and enrichment. Contemporary criminal associations typically are comprised of informal networks of individuals of higher socio-economic standing, who are influential in a wide range of domains: legal and illegal, state and private, bureaucracy and private enterprise. Instead of violence a multiplicity of interactions and transactions among these elite networks are utilized to enable, transact, exchange and enhance mutually beneficial influence and criminal enrichment. We explore the dynamics that have facilitated the emergence of the postmodern organized crime associations that have gained legitimate and illegitimate social and political standing and influence within Lithuania. To illustrate the organized crime transformation the most recent political crisis, involving President Paksas' office engagement in corruption and organized crime, is analyzed. The implications of the transformation in organized crime for the criminal justice system in the country are discussed.     

Crime,punishment, family violence,and the cloak of legal invisibility

Abstract

In this article, the authors trace how the Anglo-Australian system of criminal law constructs crime within the family differently from other forms of crime. The zone of legal impunity for intrafamilial crime was carved out by special defences and immunities, such as provocation and marital rape, as well as policing policies and practices that effectively decriminalised “domestic” forms of physical and sexual abuse. Legal impunity was never absolute, and there were notable exceptions where the familial and gendered aspects of the crime in fact aggravated the offence, such as the law's treatment of spousal murder by females as a form of “petty treason”, warranting the most severe punishment of burning at the stake. Reforms in the late twentieth century removed overt forms of gender discrimination from the criminal law, exposing a new legal visibility of crime within “the family”, though as the authors conclude, there are still remnants of differential treatment in fields of sentencing law and practice.     

Faking performance together: systems of performance evaluation in Russian enforcement agencies and production of bias and privilege

A specialist on Russian law enforcement examines a critical source of prosecution and conviction bias in that country – the system by which prosecutors, police, judges, and other legal professionals are evaluated. More specifically, she demonstrates how that system (exclusive of any inherent corruption or bias) institutionalizes incentives for the prosecution of large numbers of defendants in routine cases for the purpose of meeting informal quotas. Officials from a variety of law enforcement agencies, seeking to “hit their numbers,” develop techniques of selecting the “right” cases (and avoiding “wrong” ones), manipulating charges depending on the victim's and defendant's statuses.     

Judicial alignment and criminal justice: evidence from Russian courts

This paper investigates the effect of informal ties between judges (as represented by regional court chairpersons) and prosecutors on the repressive implementation of criminal justice in Russia in the area of fraud convictions. The authors utilize criminal law statistics of Russian regional courts for 2006–2010 to determine the alignment between chairpersons and prosecutors by measuring the length of their mutual career paths. The informal ties have a strong impact on trial outcome, which, however, changes over time. During periods of high bureaucratic risks and uncertainty, regions with a higher extent of informal ties between judges and prosecutors exhibit more repressive law enforcement. If external risks decrease, informal coalitions seem to increase the independence of the courts, insulating them from bureaucratic pressures and limiting their repressiveness.