Watching the Race: Where You Sit Affects What You See

States do seem to compete in making welfare policy. This competition,however, does not drive states inexorably toward a race to thebottom. Instead, this competition is a political rivalry ofthe kind that leads to unpredictable and unstable outcomes.This rivalry entails interstate learning and results in adaptation,but it stems from its political utility in appealing to votersand gaining personal recognition in the political arena     

Acheiving Full Employment: Four Perspectives

Books reviewed in this article.
Samuel Bowles, David M. Cordon, and Thomas E. Weisskopf, Beyond the Wasteland: A Democratic Alternative to Economic Decline
Economic Report of the President 1981
Helen Cinsburg, Full Employment and Public Policy: The United States and Sweden
Elliot Jaques, Free Enterprise, Fair Employment     

Which Contract State? Four Perspectives on Over-Outsourcing for Public Services

Since the term 'contract state' was coined over 20 years ago, there has been much discussion about the scope and limits of outsourcing and contractorisation. But attempts to fix the limits of outsourceability, using approaches such as transaction-cost analysis, the identification of inherently state functions and business-strategy ideas of 'core competences' seem fated to be indeterminate. What counts as over-outsourcing or inappropriate contractorisation depends on what basic values animate 'the' contract state. The limits of outsourcing will be different according to whether a state aims at 'steering', 'empowering', 'consumerism' or 'amoral' goals. Accordingly, a simple distinction between 'public bureaucracy state' and 'contract state' may be less important than analysis of different variants of the contract state.     

Iterative Approaches to R x C Ecological Inference Problems: Where They Can Go Wrong and One Quick Fix

This article argues that a key step in King's iterative approachto R x C ecological inference problems—the aggregationof groups into broad conglomerate categories—can introduceproblems of aggregation bias and multimodality into data, inducingmodel violations. As a result, iterative EI estimates can beconsiderably biased, even when the original data conform tothe assumptions of the model. I demonstrate this problem intuitivelyand through simulations, show the conditions under which itis likely to arise, and illustrate it with the example of Colouredvoting during the 1994 elections in South Africa. I then proposean easy fix to the problem, demonstrating the usefulness ofthe fix both through simulations and in the specific South Africancontext.     

How Turnout Depends on the Number of Parties: A Logical Model

We illustrate the power of “logical models” (Taagepera, 2007 Taagepera, Rein (2007) Predicting Party Sizes: The Logic of Simple Electoral Systems (NewYork: Oxford University Press).[Crossref] , [Google Scholar]) by offering a three-parameter model of the relationship between the effective number of parties and electoral turnout that makes use of the constraints on what parameter values are internally coherent given boundary conditions to specify functional form, and seeks not optimal curve fitting but rather a direct model testing. In our model, one parameter reflects an effect that generally acts to increase turnout as the effective number of parties increases, another an effect that generally acts to decrease turnout as the effective number of parties increases, while a third parameter allows for baseline variation in turnout across countries (or within countries across elections). We fit this model to district-level data from 237 elections held in 17 countries, representing a wide range of electoral system types generating multi-party contests, with over 20,000 district-election observations. The basic intuition, that turnout rises to a peak as the effective number of parties increases and then falls slowly, fits our data pretty well.     

Conservative Perspectives on American Federalism: Introduction

Conservatives were regularly criticized by liberals and othersfor their approach to federalism throughout the twentieth century.This trend began during the Progressive era, when the justicesof the "Lochner Court" were vilified for using national judicialpower to strike down local regulations. Several decades later,conservative opposition to New Deal programs was seen as insensitiveand elitist. Arguments for constitutional limitations on executivepower in the 1930s were attributed to the greed of businessmenand corporations. During the 1950s and 1960s, the conservativedefense of states' rights was explained by other unpleasantmotivations. Opposition to national civil rights laws was, formany, analogous to fondness for Jim Crow and other forms ofracial subjugation. Since the 1980s, conservative members ofthe Rehnquist Court have been denounced from various quartersfor their federalist perspectives. According to the Court'scritics, specious arguments about state sovereignty have beenused to rescind national rights and benefits.     

Autocracies and Terrorism: Conditioning Effects of Authoritarian Regime Type on Terrorist Attacks

Although empirical research has generally demonstrated that democracies experience more terrorism than autocracies, research suggests that this depends upon complex institutional differences that go beyond the democracy‐autocracy divide. This study examines these differences, linking institutions to strategies of coercion and co‐optation. Using zero‐inflated negative binomial regression estimations on Geddes’ (2003) autocratic regime‐type data for 161 countries between 1970 and 2006, we find that single‐party authoritarian regimes consistently experience less domestic and international terrorism relative to military autocracies and democracies. This finding is robust to a large number of specifications, underscoring the explanatory power of regime type for predicting terrorism. Our explanation for these findings is that party‐based autocracies have a wider range of coercion and co‐option strategies that they can employ to address grievance and dissent than do other, more strategically restricted, regimes.     

New Perspectives on Public Service Motivation: Symposium Introduction

ABSTRACT

A possible “dark side” of goal setting, namely perfectionism and its relationship with employee performance, was investigated. A study of police officers (n = 235) revealed that perfectionists' predisposition to (1) set goals that they perceive to be extremely high, and (2) base evaluations of self-worth on the attainment of those goals were positively related to maximum performance, namely promotional exam scores. The mediating variable was perceived effort. In the second study involving police officers (n = 242), however, perfectionism displayed a complex relationship with typical performance. The two dimensions of perfectionism, perceived high goals and contingent self-worth, were negative predictors of this criterion through their relationship with emotional exhaustion. Nevertheless, the goal difficulty dimension was a positive predictor of typical performance.     

Tax and direct expenditures: Perspectives on prepayment proposals

Abstract

If the government were committed to replenishing the inventory of project‐based assisted housing units when losses occurred, owners’ prepayment rights, with prepayment penalties, would be a desirable feature of the program. Additional unsub‐sidized housing units would be created every time a prepayment occurred, the freed‐up subsidies and insurance commitments would support a replacement low‐income unit, and prepayment penalty income could be used to offset mortgage insurance losses and thereby reduce the cost of mortgage insurance.

Under the much less than ideal conditions now prevailing, with no replacement project‐based housing available and no buy out arrangements in place, federal policy must attempt to limit prepayment by the owners of subsidized projects over the next few years.

An approach to establishing a “maximum price” that the government should be prepared to pay to induce each prepayment‐eligible building owner not to prepay is presented.     

Interrogating 24: Making Sense of US Counter-terrorism in the Global War on Terrorism

As an increasing number of scholars have argued, the fiction of popular culture and the reality of politics are inseparable. Fact and fiction, rather than remaining distinct, are mutually constitutive and interact to produce new meaning. A critical reading of Fox Television's intensely popular series 24 suggests that the series (re)produces key elements of the global war on terrorism discourse and is therefore a particularly useful case for under standing the importance of intertextuality for the production of meaning. Though the packaging of 24 may be new and exciting, the underlying messages remain the same, in the process rendering commonsensical the US global war on terrorism and the way that it has been waged.     

Stalinism as a Civilization: New Perspectives on Communist Regimes

A new line of inquiry into the history of communist regimes and the cold war has emerged. Pioneered by Stephen Kotkin and other American historians, it views Stalinism as the defining era of socialism, building a specific anti-capitalist and illiberal modernity that mustered voluntary participation and international legitimacy. This model of Stalinism as a rival civilization, held together by participatory totalitarianism, challenges older research on communist regimes – both revisionist and totalitarian studies. However, the degree of originality of this perspective is questioned here, citing precursors, parallels and contrasts within European research and political science.     

Government Responses to Terrorism: Critical Views of Their Impacts on People and Public Administration

Following the tragic, massive terrorist attacks on the United States in September 2001, many antiterrorist laws, policies, and institutions have emerged to wage war on terrorism. These antiterrorist initiatives have major consequences for individuals, societies, and nations all over the world. Although controversies have proliferated with regard to the implications of counterterrorism for people's basic rights, the debate remains fragmented and often unfocused. This article examines the critical impact of new antiterrorist initiatives on the fundamental rights and responsibilities of citizens and others, with special reference to public administration.