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1.
Nicolette Cattaneo 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2009,27(4):527-546
Debate on an appropriate framework for economic integration in southern Africa has hitherto focused largely on matters relating to trade in final goods, with little analysis of the potential benefits of production sharing and fragmented trade, or of challenges related to the accompanying role of the services sector. The first goal of this article is thus to explore the possible benefits for the development of specialisation and trade expansion related to the international fragmentation of production, and whether such benefits may be better harnessed by southern African countries in a context of regional integration. Secondly, the critical role of the services sector in production-sharing arrangements leads to questions about developing country services sectors and regional versus multilateral services liberalisation. The article therefore considers the importance of the services sector in the fragmentation context, and the growing debates surrounding services aspects of developing country regional trade agreements. It is argued that while there may be a case for the promotion of production-sharing arrangements in regional trade agreements in southern Africa, key constraints that continue to hinder the region's trade and development agenda remain the conflicting rules of origin in economic arrangements with overlapping membership, and non-tariff barriers to trade, particularly intra-regional transport costs. 相似文献
2.
本文以战略互信理论为主要依据,探讨了中日韩三国的战略定位,并在尝试建立中日韩三国战略互信度模型的基础上,对影响中日韩三国战略互信关系的主要因素进行了较为系统的分析,并指出构筑和进一步建立中日韩三国稳定的战略互信关系,是东北亚多边安全机制构建的核心和基础。 相似文献
3.
中日韩三国纺织服装品在东盟市场竞争力的实证研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文从市场占有率、贸易竞争指数、显示性比较优势指数和出口产品相似度指数等4个不同视角出发,全面考察了2000-2008年期间中日韩3国纺织服装品在东盟市场竞争力的大小.实证结果表明,近年来我国纺织服装品在东盟市场的竞争力不断上升,同日韩两国相比,我国纺织服装品的竞争优势非常明显.本文的研究可为我国纺织行业进一步开拓东盟市场提供借鉴. 相似文献
4.
卫生外交虽然起步较晚,但在周边外交中的作用不断加大。中日韩三方卫生合作始于卫生安全领域,在对非典危机和禽流感疫情的协调处理中逐渐得以改善,主要表现为在亚太经济合作组织、10+3框架,以及中日韩卫生部长会议机制下开展的多边及双边卫生合作,合作领域从传染病逐渐延伸至非传染性疾病、食品安全、全民健康覆盖等广泛领域。然而,中日韩卫生合作面临内生动力不足、主导权不明确、合作层次单一、缺乏有效融资平台等一系列挑战。中国应充分认识卫生外交在中日韩三方合作中的独特作用,在中国全球卫生战略的指导下,更加积极主动地引领和推动新型的中日韩卫生合作的转型和创新。 相似文献
5.
Elena Shadrina 《后苏联事务》2013,29(6):461-499
A Tokyo-based economist and a noted western economic geographer, both specializing in the hydrocarbon resources of Russia, apply the framework of governance studies in an effort to gain a deeper understanding of the recent changes in the country's energy policy-making. The authors argue that, unlike the international relations paradigm prevailing in studies of Russia's energy policy, the country's multiple roles in the international energy arena (as producer, consumer, exporter, importer, and transit state) warrant a more nuanced approach, reflecting Russian energy policy's flexibility over time and diversity across space. This paper endeavors, therefore, to apply a political economy and governance perspective to an understanding of the significant changes in Russia's energy policy-making regarding its dynamic energy relations with the Northeast Asia (NEA; China, Japan, and South Korea). In exploring the complex interactions between Russia's internal energy policy-making and its emerging energy relations in NEA, the authors addresses three key questions, namely: (1) how Russia's Asian energy policy corresponds to its domestic needs, (2) how much coherence in energy governance and cooperation exists between Russia and the Northeast Asian states at the institutional and organizational levels, and (3) the extent to which Russia's expectations for increased energy cooperation with the Northeast Asian states are likely to materialize. 相似文献
6.
伴随东亚一体化的进展,东亚各国对于东亚一体化主导权的争夺非常激烈。近年来,在东亚地区的经济增长之下,东亚共同体构想开始提上日程。对于东亚共同体的建设,东亚各国都各有其构想及自我定位。本文分析了中国在东亚一体化中的自我定位及面,临的现实挑战,梳理了由史至今日本整合东亚的历史及其失败影响,分析了韩国在东亚一体化中的自我定位及现实局限。在缺乏强有力的推动力量下,东亚一体化的未来仍应该以东盟为核心,以"10+3"机制为推动力量,以开放性原则推进东亚共同体的建设。 相似文献
7.
CARLOS NEWLAND 《Bulletin of Latin American research》1998,17(3):409-416
Abstract — This research note analyses the evolution of the Argentine external sector between 1811 and 1870. New series of exports and terms of trade are presented. These show the vulnerability of the economy to external and internal shocks, but also the continuous growth of total exports and per capita exports along the period. 相似文献
8.
Shale Horowitz 《East Asia》2002,20(1):81-106
The 1997 financial crisis exposed serious weaknesses in South Korea's economy, with its heavy reliance on large conglomerates
(chaebol). During the late authoritarian period, the chaebol arose through state guidance and subsidies, becoming the central
players in South Korea's export-led growth boom. The early democratic period saw limited efforts toward economic liberalization.
But these measures reduced state oversight while actually expanding the privileged access to credit enjoyed by the chaebol.
The resulting investment distortions and financial weaknesses were the most important root causes of the 1997 crisis. The
1997 presidential election brought the outsider Kim Dae-jung to power. Kim launched an unprecedented assault on the credit
privileges and corporate governance structures of the chaebol. However, the reforms have been compromised by measures to prevent
a large transitional recession. It is argued that the overall pattern of ambitious but compromised reform is explained by
two main considerations. First, Kim did not want to alienate “dispersed interest groups” (the urban service sector and agriculture).
These want to conserve the favorable elements of South Korea's economic model while purging the dross. And at the same time,
Kim wanted to focus transitional restructuring costs on the most hostile “concentrated interest group” constituencies (the
chaebol and government sectors) of the opposition Grand National Party.
I thank Uk Heo and Sunwoong Kim for their helpful suggestions and insights. 相似文献
9.
本文回顾了中、韩、日三国女性古代社会地位的发展和表现,并对其进行了对比,在此基础上分析了随着儒教的根基性影响及各国本土传统的结合,三国女性古代社会地位在整体相似的基础上出现了怎样的差异。 相似文献
10.
11.
中、韩、日三国女性战后教育、家庭地位变化及其异同 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
本文通过对中、韩、日三国女性现代社会地位的发展变化及其表现进行对比,着重分析随着二战结束和国际妇女运动的发展,三国女性在现代教育、家庭地位方面各自出现的变化以及造成这种变化的原因. 相似文献
12.
Eui Hang Shin 《East Asia》2005,22(1):51-81
The primary purpose of this paper is to investigate the factors that influenced the results of the April 15, 2004 general
election in South Korea. A backlash after the impeachment of President Roh Moo Hyun by a coalition of opposition parties in
the National Assembly (NA) was the single most important factor that determined the election outcomes. Generational and regional
differences in the parties voters supported and the “defeat movement” of citizens' organizations also had significant effects
on the election processes. For the first time since the early 1960s a progressive party won a majority of the NA seats. Thirty-nine
women members will serve in the 17th NA, the largest number ever, and the left-wing Democratic Labor Party became the third
largest party by receiving 13 percent of the proportional representation votes. Generational and ideological shifts in the
power elites seem to be evident in the election results. 相似文献
13.
20世纪末以来中、美与东盟的三边互动关系——以权力转移为视角 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
中国的崛起对美国和东盟均产生重大影响,导致中、美和东盟在经贸、政治和认知方面形成了互动关系。由于经济领域的区域经济一体化、贸易转移效应和政治领域东亚一体化的排斥效应等因素,中美在东亚的权力关系发生了转移,东亚秩序经历了结构性调整。三方在经贸、政治和认知的互动相互影响并呈正相关关系,使得东亚的权力转移在和平中实现。互动中仍存在一些问题需要三方调适和合作加以解决。 相似文献
14.
作为西方国家法治进步的产物,宪法法院在20世纪后期陆续进入亚洲国家,成为民主转型过程中重要的制度设计,但其实际效果却存在差异。韩国宪法法院在功能上呈现"多点开花"的态势,在民主、法治和人权等领域均表现良好。印尼宪法法院成功解决了总统选举过程中的争议,维护了基本的民主规则。相比之下,泰国宪法法院则经历了"高开低走"的蜕变。它在成立初期相对较好地履行了宪法赋予的职责,2006年之后却越来越深入地卷入到政治斗争之中,丧失了独立品格,做出了一系列明显违反法治精神的判决。对此,既有解释存在"西方中心主义"的弊端,而且难以同时解释宪法法院在建立和运行两个阶段的不同情况。作为一种以民主转型国家实践经验为基础的学说,政治竞争理论因其内生性、系统性的视角而具有更强的解释力。以该理论视角观察宪法法院在韩国、印尼和泰国的不同命运,在验证其科学性的同时,可以发现其中隐含的前提条件及其适用范围的有限性。 相似文献
15.
中国—日本—东盟三角关系结构变化与东亚一体化前景 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
中国、日本和东盟是决定东亚一体化发展前景的三种主要力量;它们之间关系的发展变化,在一定程度上决定和制约着未来东亚一体化的模式选择.本文试图运用国际政治理论中传统的战略三角关系分析方法,探讨中国-日本-东盟三角关系的四种可能结构,从而展望在不同的结构下东亚一体化可能出现的四种模式. 相似文献
16.
金融危机背景下的中日中小企业合作:现状、问题和对策 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
近年来,中日中小企业合作成为中日经贸合作的新热点。首先分析了中日中小企业合作开展的背景,然后从日本中小企业对华投资、中日中小企业政策对话等几方面阐述了中日中小企业合作的现状及存在的主要问题,最后在上述分析的基础上提出了促进中日中小企业合作的政策建议,并展望了金融危机背景下中日中小企业合作的发展前景。 相似文献