中越关系的基本定位与模式选择

在21世纪中越双边关系的发展中,笔者认为应以十六字方针为指导的"四好"关系作为基本定位,同时以在政治与文化认同下的自由贸易区与共同市场建设作为模式选择.     

越南，不仅是“同志加兄弟”了

<正>2023年末,中越两位总书记宣布两党两国关系新定位的消息,成为当天全球各大媒体报道的焦点。舆论评价,这是中越关系高水平和特殊性的有力见证。作为山水相连、唇齿相依的友好邻邦,中国与越南在2023年末迎来了两国关系的“高光时刻”——12月12日至13日,中共中央总书记、国家主席习近平对越南进行国事访问。这次访问最重要的政治成果是：双方宣布构建具有战略意义的中越命运共同体,开启了中越两党两国关系发展新阶段。     

叶利钦之后的中俄关系走向

在叶利钦总统去职和普京当选为俄罗斯新总统之后,中俄两国关系进入了一个新阶段。过去十多年两国关系为今后两国关系的发展打下了扎实的基础,对两国关系的未来展望又对当前双边关系提出了新的要求。虽然中俄关系的共同利益基础没有发生实质性的重大变化,中俄在战略上仍然互相需要,良好的双边关系既符合双方的现实利益,也符合双方长远的战略利益。     

发展中的中俄关系

中俄关系,是俄罗斯东方政策中的首要对象,是俄罗斯力图重新恢复大国影响的对外战略中一个主要方面。 近年来,经过双方努力,两国关系有了较大的发展。苏联解体后两国关系四年半来的演进中,围绕着最高领导人的互访,经历过几次高潮: 第一次高潮出现在1992年年底前后。冷战结束以后,中俄双边关系所依傍的整个国际环境发生了很大变化,发展经济成为推动国际关系的主旋律,由意识形态支配国际关系发展的     

略论韩中关系的发展

一 结 论 去年是韩中建交10周年。1992年8月24日韩中建交以来,两国关系取得了迅速发展,朱镕基总理去年3月28日对正在中国访问的时任外交通商部长官崔成泓说:“建交10年以来,通过双方的共同努力,两国关系在各个领域取得了迅速发展,像中韩关系这种发展速度在世界各国双边关系发展史上是不多见的。” 正如朱镕基总理所提到的,过去的10年里,两国关系在外交、经济、文化、军事等各个方面取     

略论韩中关系的发展

一结论 去年是韩中建交10周年.1992年8月24日韩中建交以来,两国关系取得了迅速发展,朱镕基总理去年3月28日对正在中国访问的时任外交通商部长官崔成泓说:"建交10年以来,通过双方的共同努力,两国关系在各个领域取得了迅速发展,像中韩关系这种发展速度在世界各国双边关系发展史上是不多见的."     

关于越南历史发展轨迹与特征的几点思考

在中越两国关系发展的历史长河中,和平友好交往是发展的主流,但时而又伴有波折,道路并不平坦。历史往往是一面镜子,我们相信,对越南历史发展以及历史上中越之间的关系等问题作系统的研讨和客观的解读,以史为鉴,认真地总结历史经验,对于弘扬两国深厚的历史情谊,增强文化的认同感,培育有利于双边友好关系发展的"历史记忆"十分重要。本文试图勾勒越南历史发展的轨迹和基本特征,为中越史学界从学术层面进行平等交流与对话做一尝试。     

传统与当代变迁交融中的中俄关系

中俄关系的历史性发展及其丰厚的建树,是两国政治精英及广大民众长期以来矢志不渝、艰苦努力的结果;同时,这也是具有古老文明传统的中俄两大国在当代条件下为人类所作出的贡献.没有一个国家的外交能够脱离当代国际事务演进的整个潮流,也几乎没有任何一组双边关系是能够斩断传统、在脱离自己文明传统的情况下得到发展的.从这个角度来梳理当代中俄关系的发展,特别是探讨冷战结束以来两国关系的演进、以及其背后传统与当代变迁之间互动的深层机理,可能会对这一内涵丰富而成就卓绝的进程获得一些新的体认.     

21世纪初印度与沙特关系及其对中国的影响

进入21世纪以来，印沙两国关系迅速发展，经济上的互补以及应对印度洋非传统安全的共同需要成为推动双边关系发展的重要动因，但因宗教信仰、安全利益考量上的差异，以及域外大国等因素的影响，印沙两国在军事和战略领域尚难以形成“牢不可破”的伙伴关系。印沙关系发展将对中国能源安全和战略利益等方面产生潜在影响。     

中越关系正常化十周年回顾与展望

中越关系正常化十年来,两国关系取得了长足发展.中越关系的发展既是双边关系互动的结果,也是不断变化发展的地区与国际形势制约之使然.保持睦邻友好,推动全面合作,符合两国求稳定、促发展的根本利益.只有不断深化两国友好互信、平等互利的全面合作,21世纪中越关系才有可能迎来更加美好的发展前景.     

20世纪70年代中越关系剧变分析

在国际关系史上,恐怕鲜有如20世纪70年代中越关系的变化那样出人意料,中越两国在短短十年时间就从肝胆相照的兄弟变为彼此不共戴天的敌人,是什么因素促成了这一剧变的发生呢?本文认为20世纪70年代中越关系之所以会发生急剧变化,与如下四个方面的原因密不可分:(1)中越出于国家利益考虑,推行各自倾向性政策;(2)中越两国在与之密切联系的四对三角关系中的互动;(3)历史与现实的困惑;(4)精英认知的不同.     

VIETNAM-US PARTNERSHIP: PILLARS AND PROSPECTS

This essay analyses the foundations and future of the Vietnam-US partnership. It shows that Vietnam and the United States have sought to broaden and deepen the bilateral relations in three main areas: (i) trade and investment relations, (ii) political and security relations, and (iii) people-to-people cooperation. These areas continue to be the pillars for Vietnam and the United States to build up their ties. Given China's growing assertiveness in the South China Sea and the United States rebalance to the Asia-Pacific, Vietnam and the United States will become closer and will work together to add strategic values to their partnership.     

China’s vietnam policy: The road to normalization and prospects for the Sino-Vietnamese relationship

Americans have both underestimated and exaggerated China’s ability to influence developments in Asia. Many saw the normalization of relations between China and Vietnam in 1991 as a sign of China’s growing regional dominance. This article reexamines the process of normalization against the background of historical twentieth-century relations in order to present a more balanced perspective of China’s Vietnam policy. The author examines China’s role at the 1954 Geneva Conference, in 1973 at the Paris Peace Talks, during the deterioration of relations in the 1970s that culminated in the Sino-Vietnamese border war of 1979, and finally, along the road to normalization. Understanding that Sino-Vietnamese cooperation depends less on China’s leverage over Vietnam than on the convergence of interests between the two countries, the author then explores the major issues in Sino-Vietnamese relations in the 1990s.     

U.S.-VIETNAM RELATIONS IN THE TRUMP ERA

This paper seeks to examine U.S.-Vietnam relations under the Trump administration. It will concentrate on the political, economic and security dimensions of the relationship. It will demonstrate that the Trump administration's policy towards Vietnam has many elements of Obama's policy towards Vietnam. Though President Trump has focused on the trade deficit with Vietnam, the Trump administration has worked closely with the Vietnamese government to intensify the partnership with Vietnam. It should be noted that in the context of China's growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, Hanoi and Washington see that it is in their mutual interests to advance their security cooperation. The last two years have witnessed the increasing partnership between Vietnam and the United States.     

Vietnam’s and China’s Diverging Industrial Relations Systems: Cases of Path Dependency

ABSTRACT

This article explains why Vietnam and China, one-party states that allow only one official trade union, are traversing different paths in their trade unions’ institutional structures, the state’s and trade union’s attitudes towards strikes, their willingness to allow independent trade unions and willingness to engage with the international labour union movement. These will be examined in terms of the path dependency of their recent histories, in which changes have been incremental on a path laid down by pre-existing entrenched institutions, until each national system no longer operated properly and new contingencies obliged the leadership to revamp the system. As a consequence of China’s and Vietnam’s divergent path dependencies, when external contingencies finally forced institutional change, countries have veered onto divergent trajectories – the Trans-Pacific Partnership energising Vietnam to debate the acceptance of autonomous trade unions, while Xi Jinping in China has intensified Party control over industrial relations.     

明初中越关系史值得研究的一位人物——黎澄

在15世纪前期复杂多变的中越关系史上,黎澄(胡元澄)的一生和其官宦生涯历经变故,跌宕起伏。他先是越南胡朝王子,官居高位,后降于明朝,因献"神枪法"、督造火药兵器,为宣宗和英宗器重,以明朝廷臣终其生。他为仕颇有政绩,也是火器专家、文学家,著《南翁梦录》传世,对中越两国友好交往和文化交流作出了诸多贡献。     

二战后日本政界的中国观

二战结束至中日复交前，日本政界人士的中国观大体分为“情感型”和“意识形态型”两种类型。以“情感型”中国观为主导的自民党非主流派和在野党人士在推动中日复交方面发挥了重要作用，而基于“意识形态型”中国观考量的自民党保守派以东西方阵营画线，采取敌视中国的外交姿态，成为阻碍和延缓中日复交进程的重大障碍。     

Vietnam: Approaching the Asian‐pacific century with confidence

It has been twenty years since the fall of Saigon to Northern Communist forces on 30 April 1975. From that time, Vietnam has slowly, but steadily clawed its way back into the international mainstream, a trend prompted by the revival of the Vietnamese economy which has gained strength from a movement away from Communist economic ideology. The author, who recently paid an extensive visit to Vietnam, examines the process of development and the opportunities and difficulties that arise from it.     

二战后越南华人政策演变探析

本文在系统梳理二战后越南华人政策演变脉络的基础上,试图从宏观上厘清越南华人政策与中越关系、越南民族主义以及越南华人本地化之间的内在联系。笔者通过分析认为:中越关系、越南民族主义等因素始终支配或影响着不同时期越南华人政策的制定,但随着中越关系的正常化和越南华人本地化进程的完成,其影响在逐渐淡化;越南华人政策与华人本地化之间具有互动性。     

Religion and inter-ethnic violence in Indonesia

Commentators have long struggled to understand state-society relations in Asia within the framework of the dominant liberal-democratic conceptualisation of civil society. This article examines the relevance of Antonio Gramsci's theory of civil society for understanding contemporary Cambodia and Vietnam, with reference to both legal and social frameworks. Such an analysis illuminates important aspects of state-society relations in Southeast Asia that tend to be overlooked by dominant liberal and Marxist perspectives. This article argues, however, that the utility of Gramsci's conception of civil society for understanding state-society relations in Cambodia and Vietnam, by retaining the notion of civil society as a realm associatively separate from the state, is limited.