REGULATION OF ASBESTOS THE MICROANA1YTICS OF GOVERNMENT FAILURE

This article analyzes the government's role in regulating asbestos-related health hazards in the United States. The U.S. government has served as both promoter and regulator of the U.S. asbestos industry, and this article examines the extent to which—in both capacities—it has hindered rather than facilitated the information dissemination essential to voluntary assumption of asbestos related risks. In documenting the behavior of the major government actors, this paper investigates the political and economic forces that have shaped U.S. asbestos policy. It shows how the Congressional transition from promoter to regulator of the asbestos industry can be explained by the susceptibility of political processes to transaction-cost augmentation by the bureaucracy.     

Comments on some indexes to measure the level and change of mortality

"The level and change of mortality can be measured in several ways not only because [of] the selected index, but also because of the way that the mortality change is measured. This document considers the indexes more frequently used for measuring the level of mortality, including the one of years of life lost recently developed. Each index is analyzed in relation to its accuracy for measuring the level and change of mortality, and advantages and disadvantages of each of them are discussed. The index years of life lost is presented with some details, since it was developed rather recently." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Kyoto Protocol cooperation: Does government corruption facilitate environmental lobbying?

Does environmental lobbying affect the probability of environmental treaty ratification? Does the level of government corruption play a role for the success of such lobbying? In this paper, we propose that a more corruptible government may be more responsive to the demands of the environmental lobby. We use several stratified hazard models and panel data from 170 countries on the timing of Kyoto Protocol ratification to test this hypothesis. We find that increased environmental lobby group activity raises the probability of ratification, and the effect rises with the degree of corruption.     

Work disincentive perceptions and welfare state attitudes: A survey experiment in South Korea

Scholars and policymakers have long examined whether and to what extent public income transfer programs create work disincentives. Less explored are the patterns and mechanisms through which perceived work disincentives shape public attitudes toward such programs. The present article bridges this gap by examining how individuals' exposure to a moral hazard discourse affects their support for an income transfer program. Our original survey experiment in South Korea finds that the effect of an identically worded piece of moral hazard information plays out differently depending on the eligibility criteria of the program in question (means‐tested vs. universal) and the economic status of the respondents. The findings have significant implications for understanding the support base for the welfare state in the context of resurging interest in basic/guaranteed income.     

Knowing your sources: Partisan media and voters’ perceptions of the economy

This paper explains how media systems influence the extent to which partisanship colors voters’ perceptions of the economy (i.e., the strength of the partisan screen). It builds upon research on individual-level biases in economic perceptions, seeking to extend existing work by considering how the availability of partisan media for a given party affect such biases. The implication of this is that the greater the availability of media sources favorable to a party, the stronger the partisan screen for its partisans. This follows from several mechanisms including selective acceptance of messages, selective exposure to partisan sources, and incidental exposure to partisan sources. Each of these suggests that differences in the availability of partisan media across parties leads to corresponding differences in the extent of partisan bias for partisans of these parties. I test this Hypothesis in 14 European countries over four time-periods using data built from expert surveys on media characteristics.     

Evaluating consumer product hazards

A regression analysis is described which correlates the hazard level of a group of consumer products according to several definitions of hazard with potentially dangerous characteristics of products and their use. A surprisingly good fit to the data is observed and various observations are drawn from the analysis, among them that open flames are characteristic of high injury potential, but flammability is not. Hypotheses and open questions concerning the human factors of product safety and government intervention in the marketplace as a regulator of product safety are discussed.     

Environmental policy and equity: The case of superfund

This article analyzes the equity implications of the EPA's Superfund program by examining the geographic distribution of sites, who pays for cleanup, and cleanup pace. Although the “polluter pays” principle is used to justify Superfund policy, it is a goal that is not—and indeed usually cannot—be attained for past contamination. Further, the geographic distribution of Superfund sites suggests that the likely beneficiaries of program expenditures live in counties that are on average both wealthier and more highly educated than the rest, and also have lower rates of poverty. The pace of the EPA's cleanups, however, depends mostly on the sites' potential hazard, and is not apparently motivated by the localities' socioeconomic characteristics or political representation. The program is found in several respects to be both inefficient and inequitable, yet Superfund enjoys considerable support for reasons beyond these traditional public policy goals, including its political and symbolic appeal.     

Party composition in the American states: Clarifying concepts and explaining changes in partisanship since the 1950s

Students of state politics have long been interested in the partisanship and the degree of interparty competition in the American states. This has led to numerous attempts to quantify state-level partisanship and competition, the most significant by Ranney (1965). Interestingly, however, scholars have never specified clearly the relationship between these two concepts as measured by the Ranney index. This research attempts to do just that and reveals that the two are different measures which are related systematically. More important, understanding changes in a state's partisanship is determined to be crucial to understanding changes in its level of two-party competition. As such, in order to explain changes in partisanship and competition across the American states from the 1950s to the 1970s, we focus on accounting for changes in partisanship. To this end, changes in aggregate demographic variables account very well for states' movement along the Ranney index over the last 3 decades.The names of the authors appear in alphabetical order and imply that this paper is in every way a collaborative enterprise.     

Electoral impacts of a failed uprising: Evidence from Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement

Do anti-regime protests in electoral autocracies benefit the opposition by shifting the political preference of the bystanders? We seek an answer to this question by examining the electoral impact of Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement. Analyzing the election outcomes at the polling-station level shortly after the movement, we find that protest exposure, as measured by spatial proximity to protest sites, is positively correlated with the decline of electoral support for the opposition. Individual level surveys indicate that the adverse influences of protest exposure manifest themselves in elevating by-standing citizens' sense of economic insecurity, even though the movement causes no persistent income loss, while enhancing political efficacy.     

公共选择理论中互投赞成票的逻辑与模型

公共选择理论中互投赞成票模型的方法论基础是个体主义假设。作为一种方法论的个体主义与作为一种组织社会活动的规范的个人主义是两个根本不同的问题。在互投赞成票的论证逻辑中,包含了几个必要条件:一是必须采取多数表决规则;二是集体选择必须符合连续性假设,也就是说,集体选择是一个持续的独立决策流;三是少数派的偏好比多数派的偏好更为强烈,这暗含了偏好强度的差异性。根据这种逻辑,可以设计一个以公路修缮为主题的简单互投赞成票模型。这个模型的基本结论是:每个个体的理性行动导致了集体的非理性行动,集体的财政开支将超出合理的水平,其根本原因是多数表决规则的采用及由此造成的互投赞成票。通过概括和推广,这个简单互投赞成票模型可以应用于许多现实的集体决策情形中。     

Privata: A model for privatization with multiple non-transitive objectives

Deregulation of public enterprises and services by privatization is very fashionable nowadays. The aim of privatization is mainly to increase effectiveness, while the government itself likes to maximize its revenue at the occasion of the takeover. Most of these public enterprises show a shortage in investment while maintenance of a reasonable employment level in the new private firm is also strongly desirable, not to mention the ecological obligations imposed on the new private firm. It means that takeover bids have to face multiple non-transitive objectives and several parties interested in the issue even several decision makers. Traditionally the optimization of all these objectives are then judged upon case by case in a rather subjective way. Consequently there is a need for a more general and objective, not to say scientific, method which can compare several takeover bids for privatization optimizing multiple objectives sometimes with different units of measurement. With that purpose, the Privata model was developed. Privata takes into consideration upper limits, lower bounds, dominating and nondominating effects, ending up with a set of nondominated takeover bids, which are ranked by using the reference point theory based on the maximal criterion values. In this way objectivity and decreasing marginal utility are fully respected. A theoretical explanation is followed by a simulation on several takeover bids for a public enterprise given multiple objectives.     

The impact of the introduction of premiums into a SCHIP program.

This paper examines the introduction of premiums into the SCHIP program in Kentucky. Kentucky introduced a $20 monthly premium for SCHIP coverage for children with family incomes between 151 percent and 200 percent of the federal poverty level in December 2003. Administrative data between 2001 and 2004 is used to estimate a Cox proportional hazard model that predicts enrollment duration in this premium-paying category. The results suggest that a premium reduces the length of enrollment, with the impact concentrated in the first three months after the introduction of the premium. Similar results are not found for the non-premium-paying category.     

A tool to evaluate state capacity in post‐communist countries, 1989–2006

In an attempt to bring together the research on state capacity, this article proposes a five‐item index to operationalise and measure the concept of state capacity. The index was constructed for 26 post‐communist countries on a yearly basis from their first year of independence from communist rule to 2006. Different states unavoidably display dissimilar levels of aptitude in the different domains of state capacity, but the aggregated index of state capacity presented is high in both validity and reliability. With the help of this index, the starting conditions as well as the evolution of state capacity within the countries included in this study are explored, with three conclusions. First, post‐communist countries emerged displaying very contrasting levels of state capacity. Second, the level of state capacity has remained relatively stable within most countries between 1989–1991 and 2006, which ties in the last conclusion that the initial level of state capacity is the strongest determinant of subsequent levels of state capacity. All three conclusions carry important implications for research using state capacity either as an independent or as a dependent variable.     

北京市经济持续增长下的城-近郊人口分布合理性研究

本文利用北京市城区人口密度与近郊区人口密度的比作为反映人口分布的指标，通过对城近郊区人口密度及其变动与经济发展、城市交通、人均居住面积、绿地面积等因素的相关分析，阐明了人口分布变动主要取决于经济发展水平，城市交通、人均居住面积、绿地面积等因素是通过经济变量作用于人口因素，或人口因素通过经济变量作用于其他。最后，本文利用城近郊人口密度梯度与GDP的logistic曲线估计，对人口分布的合理性做进一步的分析。     

Treaty Commitment as a Signaling Device: Explaining the Ratification of the International Covenant on Economic,Social, and Cultural Rights

This study investigates the determinants of the ratification of International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). To do so, it proposes an explanation that postulates that states employ treaty ratification as a device to signal their resolve to implement polices required by the treaty at issue in order to appease demanding domestic constituencies, predicting that states with lower compliance capacity tend to commit faster than states with higher compliance capacity. Applying this explanation to the ICESCR leads to two expectations. First, the larger government spending a proxy of high compliance capacity is hypothesized to delay the ratification process. Second, states with the unitary system are expected to ratify the ICESCR more promptly because the centralized power structure in unitary states significantly restricts the pursuit of the policy autonomy by minorities at local level that the right to self-determination entails. The Cox proportional hazard analysis lends support to both hypotheses.     

Economic vulnerability and economic voting in 14 OECD countries

The economic voting literature shows that good economic performance bolsters the electoral prospects of incumbents. However, disagreement persists as to whether voters in vulnerable economic conditions are more likely to engage in economic voting. It is argued in this article that a crucial factor in explaining individual‐level variation in economic voting is the degree of exposure to economic risks, because risk exposure affects the saliency of the economy in voting decisions. In particular, the focus is on job insecurity and employability as key determinants of economic voting patterns. The article hypothesises that the extent of economic voting is greater in voters who are more vulnerable to unemployment and less employable in case of job loss. Support for these hypotheses is found in a test with a dataset that combines survey data on incumbent support with occupational unemployment rates and other measures of exposure to economic risks.     

The Savings and Loan Debacle and Erosion of the Dual System of Bank Regulation

The crisis in the banking and thrift industries is catalyzinga shift in the traditional system of dual state-federal bankregulation toward the federal government and away from the states.Erosion in this system has been evident for the past decadedue to actions of the Congress, federal regulators, and thejudiciary. The dual system has two sets of flaws. One is regulatorycompetition that encourages weak monitoring of financial institutionsby states. The other is created by the "moral hazard" of thecurrent system of federal deposit insurance. There are two pathsto reform. One is continued erosion of the power of the states.The alternative is to provide incentives that reinforce thedual system of regulation and deter the sources of "moral hazard."     

Assessing the Power of the Purse: An Index of Legislative Budget Institutions

To compare parliamentary capacity for financial scrutiny, I construct an index using data for 36 countries from a 2003 survey of budgeting procedures. The index captures six institutional prerequisites for legislative control, relating to amendment powers, reversionary budgets, executive flexibility during implementation, the timing of the budget, legislative committees and budgetary information. Various methods of index construction are reviewed. The results reveal substantial variation in the level of financial scrutiny of government by the legislature among contemporary liberal democracies. The US Congress has an index score that is more than three times as great as those for the bottom nine cases, predominantly Westminster systems. Even allowing for US exceptionalism, the top quartile of legislatures score twice as high on this index as the bottom quartile. These findings suggest that the power of the purse is a discrete and non-fundamental element of liberal democratic governance. For some countries it is a key safeguard against executive overreach, while others maintain a constitutional myth.     

Comparing Class-Related Opinions between MP Candidates and Party Supporters: Evidence from Finland

This article examines whether and to what extent opinions on class-related issues coincide between MP candidates and party supporters in Finland. This strategy is used to approach the mediation of interests from grassroots level to the level of political decision making. In theory, adverse selection and moral hazard problems are identified to have serious implications for the mediation process. Furthermore, the representation role adopted by members of parliament is assumed to be significant in the mediation of interests. Attitudes of the candidates in the 1995 parliamentary elections in Finland and those of citizens are compared empirically. The results indicate that the attitudes of the citizens are not necessarily the same as those of their representatives, i.e. the mediation of interests is not self-evident. A more detailed analysis shows that the candidate's gender, education and adopted representation role can be important as regards the conformity of the candidate's attitudes with those of citizens. Findings also reveal that class struggle is tougher at the level of candidates than at the level of party supporters. Differences in opinions are wider among candidates of the political parties than among party supporters.