印度建国后邦级区划变动中的两次重组浪潮探析

通过对印度建国后邦级区划变动情况的分析，我们可以发现在其邦级区划的频繁变动中存在两次重组浪潮。第一次重组浪潮以语言问题为依托，印度政府按主要语言将全国邦级区划从29个邦调整为14个邦、6个中央直辖区。第二次重组浪潮发生在印度东北部，是印度政府应对边疆民族问题的举措，这一地区的邦级区划从1个邦、2个中央直辖区调整为6个邦。这两次重组浪潮是特定时期或特定地域印度民族矛盾焦点的体现和中央一地方博弈的结果，也是我们考察印度社会政治发展的特殊视角。     

新加坡在东盟发展过程中的身份定位

新加坡在东盟发展过程中的身份定位，经历了一个与东盟关系的长期互动过程。在东盟成立之初，由于新加坡担心东盟成为印尼在地区谋求霸权的工具，担心过多地参与地区政治事务会威胁到其自身的独立与生存，因此，新加坡更多地是充当着谨慎参与者的角色。随着东盟内部关系的稳定，政治、经济合作慢慢走上正轨，新加坡开始重新审视东盟并修正其地区身份定位。新加坡在与东盟的长期互动过程中慢慢形成了其在东盟中的身份定位：即东盟发展过程中的低调领导者。     

论印度特有的社会流动模式——“梵化”

本文从对种姓制度等级特性和身份社会意义的分析入手,揭示出种姓制度对印度人社会身份的影响,并针对低种姓如何改善种姓身份的疑问,对印度社会中存在的"梵化"-一社会流动模式的实现过程,流动特点和社会功能进行探讨.     

印度族群冲突成因的两条解释路径及其局限性分析

在解释印度族群冲突成因方面,既有的解释可被归类为两条路径,即政治解释路径与非政治解释路径。在政治解释路径中,既有解释主要包括精英动员论、身份建构论、政治制度和国家政策论;非政治解释路径主要从公民社会交往程度、全球化与经济竞争、人口迁移、身份差异、国际因素、现代性与反现代性出发分析印度族群冲突。印度族群冲突成因复杂,两条既定解释路径的不足是:强调单一解释因素;没有说明因果机制;缺少一个宏观的解释框架以说明各种类型的族群冲突成因;没有提出一个印度政府应对冲突的治理模式。     

国际战争与国内族群政治——伊拉克库尔德人运动的历时比较研究

以往对族群冲突的国际维度研究忽视了国际战争对国内族群政治产生的影响,因而对库尔德人运动这类深受国际政治和国际战争影响的案例难以给出令人信服的解释。鉴于此,本文提出了一个新的理论分析框架以弥补这一不足。该理论分析框架认为:国际战争将导致母国对内控制力下降、国内少数族群政治诉求更为激进、敌国干预族群政治的动机上升,进而增大族群冲突爆发和升级的可能;这一因果机制受到了敌国的干预能力、少数族群的战略价值、少数族群的动员能力以及少数族群的动员意愿等四类因素的调控。通过对比分析伊拉克在1946-2000年间经历的六次国际战争对其境内库尔德人运动的影响,本文验证了该理论分析框架的解释力。     

论印度特有的社会流动模式——一“梵化”

本文从对种姓制度等级特性和身份社会意义的分析入手 ,揭示出种姓制度对印度人社会身份的影响 ,并针对低种姓如何改善种姓身份的疑问 ,对印度社会中存在的“梵化”—一社会流动摸式的实现过程 ,流动特点和社会功能进行探讨。     

二战前英属马来亚印度劳工的政治生活简析

从20世纪初开始,马来亚印度人的民族主义逐渐兴起,一方面表现在印度人希望获得马来亚的公民权,但更多地体现在印度劳工希望殖民统治者给予他们公平、合理的待遇。然而,印度人温和合理的政治诉求遭到殖民当局的拒绝,因此他们采取了更为激进的罢工。罢工的失败促使印度人争取祖国印度独立自由的民族主义情绪的高涨,进而在日据时期掀起了一场较有声势的独立运动。日据时期的马来亚印度人的独立运动是一场无果而终的民族解放运动,也是一场失败的民族主义运动,但这场独立运动具有一定的正义性。     

略论印度国大党与印度工人运动

印度国大党是一个资产阶级民族主义的政党,成立于1885年12月,至今整整100年了。印度国大党为什么能够在印度独立前掌握印度民族独立运动的领导权,在印度独立后长期执政,为印度资本主义的发展开辟途径?这同它在印度工人运动中的活动有着重大的关系。对此,本文试图择其要点进行初步探讨。最早从事印度工人运动二十世纪初叶,以B·K·铁拉克为代表的印度国大党激进派就已经在工人群众中进行     

中东国家抗争政治的特点分析

抗争政治提供了民主转型的一个视角。根据查尔斯·蒂利的抗争政治理论,2010年底以来中东国家政局动荡中,体制外有一定认同感的集体行动者为抗争主体;客体为政府及其决策者;抗争目的是表达追求自由、民主、民生等公共诉求;具有对抗性、偶然性和创新性特点;并以媒体等信息技术的间接劝说为主。虽然抗争政治对于改变人们的政治认同、培育积极的公民意识以及构建公民社会等方面,有一定的推动作用,但抗争政治与民主化并不具有必然的因果联系。受制于民主与权威之间的矛盾与斗争,中东国家要选择符合现实国情的民主道路可谓任重而道远。     

印度经济、基础设施、秩序和腐败——印度人眼里的印度最重要的问题

在过去十年间,新闻媒界和学术工作都将许多注意力集中在印度的“秩序问题”上。的确,自印度独立以来,经过语言邦运动、民族问题的凸现、种姓问题的“重新发现”及政治中的派系斗争,秩序问题在印度政治生活中引发了激烈的争论。随着国大党威性的下降和政党体制的重建、两位总理的被暗杀、旁遮普动荡的延续、围绕“阿约迪亚庙寺之争”的宗教和教派冲突、阿萨姆和克什米尔的分离主义活动以及种姓间的暴力冲突的不时爆发,特别是1991年至1992年,各种姓对政府决定实施“曼德尔方案”中有关种姓保留名额的强烈反应,对秩序问题的研究更多,秩序问题也因此而更加引人注目。     

Introduction: Globalization and change in India

ABSTRACT

This series of papers on Globalization, Institutional Change, and Politics of reforms in India highlights some of the key characteristics of institutional change and globalization in India. This special issue points in the direction of three important conjectures on globalization and change by bringing together a few key aspects of the process of institutional change and engagement with the global in India. First, India’s liberal democracy has embraced globalization and globally influenced institutional change in an embedded liberal way. Second, this is a saga of gradual and largely endogenous change. India is deeply affected by the demonstration effect of global best practices but builds rather more after its own internal consensus. Finally, even though India is not a classic developmental state, the state is an important factor in promoting change.     

印度宗教文化对中国企业投资的影响

与中国文化相比,印度文化的宗教性特征十分明显,宗教文化是印度文化的本质。印度宗教文化对中国企业投资印度产生了深刻的影响,并以宗教文化对中国企业的进入模式、投资运营、内部管理等各个方面的影响为代表。准确把握和认识印度宗教文化特性,处理好中印文化差异所带来的问题,对促进中印经贸合作与人文交流具有十分重要的意义。     

印度选举制度初探

与中国一样 ,印度是一个举世闻名的文明古国、文化大国 ,在当代国际政治、经济环境中 ,两个伟大的国家正面临着越来越多的相似性。但与中国不同的是 ,印度是联邦制国家 ,独立后继承了英国殖民主义者遗留下来的议会民主制 ,这使印度的传统文明、传统文化打上了“深深的西方烙印”①。在议会民主制之下 ,政府拥有议会制度 ,其核心是承诺举行定期、自由和公正选举的选举制度。这个选举制度决定政府的组成、议会两院的席位、邦立法会和联邦议会 ,以及总统和副总统。因此 ,了解印度选举制度的基本内容和特点 ,对于理解印度的议会民主制度具有重要…     

中巴经济走廊的意义与安全:巴基斯坦的视角（英文）

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor aspires to put Pakistan on a new trajectory of high growth through infrastructure development, and the benefits are likely to amplify and spread throughout the region. Success of this project, however, is highly dependent upon Pakistan's internal security situation and how it manages its relations with India.     

Non-Alignment and Beyond: India’s Interest in Latin America, 1961–1972

ABSTRACT

Between 1961 and 1972, Latin America came to capture India’s diplomatic imagination. Officials within India’s Ministry of External Affairs identified strengthened ties with the region as a way to augment, restrain, and transcend the Non-Aligned Movement, further India’s international prestige and political influence, spread Indian culture, and bolster India’s economy. India’s interest in Latin America climaxed after Prime Minister Indira Gandhi prioritised the region and Pakistan strengthened diplomatic relations with Panama in autmn 1967. Yet uncertainty over the internal realities of Latin America hindered any Indian pivot. In the end, India’s aspirations for Latin America failed to materialise.     

新世纪印日关系迅猛发展的原因剖析

地缘环境、大国关系和经济需求是新世纪前影响印日关系发展的主要因素。新世纪印日关系发展的影响因素包括经济、政治、海洋安全和大国关系四个方面。除了经济发展模式的互补性外,新世纪两国之间有了新的经济价值和吸引力。共同谋求联合国安理会常任理事国的席位和共同的西方民主价值观是两国靠近的政治动因,但其影响力在印日之间存在根本差别。在海上能源安全和航道方面两国需要相互借重,但有三点需要中国特别注意。美国是印日关系的密切的推动者,但其对印日的影响力是不同的。中国在客观上是印日关系发展的重要影响因素,可以从内外两个层面发挥积极的作用。     

A Rising India's Search for a Foreign Policy

As India seeks to become a major player on the international political stage, it will face two major internal constraints. First, India will have to recognize the need to exploit the extant structure of international system to its advantage more effectively. Structural constraints are the most formidable ones a state encounters in its drive towards the status of a major power. Yet, Indian foreign policy continues to be reactive to the strategic environment rather than attempting to shape the strategic realities. While such an ad hoc response to the structural imperatives carried little costs when India was on the periphery of global politics, it holds grave risks now that India seems poised to play a significant role in global politics. Second, India must come to grips with its discomfort with the very notion of power and in particular its wariness of the use of “hard power.” Throughout history, all major powers have been required to employ the military instrument skillfully. India's reluctance to accept a more sophisticated understanding of power, in general, and military power, in particular, will continue to undermine Indian foreign and security policy.     

India as a democracy promoter? New Delhi's involvement in Nepal's return to democracy

According to the theory of ‘democratic peace’, India, as the largest democracy in the world and as South Asia's predominant regional power, should be expected to promote democracy in neighbouring countries. However, New Delhi lacks any kind of official democracy-promotion policy, and its past record on democracy promotion efforts in the region is mixed at best. Against this background, the article analyses the substantial role India has come to play in the peace and democratization process in Nepal in the years 2005–2008, asking whether this constitutes a departure from New Delhi's traditional policy of non-interference in its neighbours' internal affairs and a move towards a more assertive approach to democracy promotion. However, the analysis shows that India's involvement in Nepal was the product of short-term stability concerns rather than being an indicator of a long-term change in strategy with the intention of becoming an active player in international democracy promotion.     

Health of internal labour migrants in India: some reflections on the current situation and way forward

Social and development policies have not been successful so far in mainstreaming health issues of internal labour migrants in India. This opinion paper reflects on the current situation of migrants and puts forth some perspectives on the way forward. It suggests some avenues for further research and scaling up of migrant-friendly health programmes.     

Managing the 1986-87 Sino-Indian Sumdorong Chu Crisis

ABSTRACT

How did China and India manage to prevent the 1986-87 Sumdorong Chu Crisis from escalating into a war? I argue that it was a combination of changing geopolitical factors (Sino-Soviet rapprochement and the end of Soviet support for India in the context of Sino-Indian tensions) and military factors (conventional deterrence and perceptions of limited revisionism) that help explain crisis management. While these geopolitical and military factors helped avert immediate escalation, the crisis truly ended only after China and India sought a new modus vivendi during Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s landmark trip to China in December 1988. The absence of great power (Soviet) support meant that India had to make a costly signal to China in the form of Gandhi’s trip that happened during the 1987-89 cycle of protests in Tibet against Chinese rule. Nevertheless, Gandhi’s visit took place after India had demonstrated its military strength and resolve in its ability to defend the status quo on the border, and therefore should not be interpreted as a sign of weakness. In other words, I argue that successful deterrence requires broader foreign policy reorientation. At the same time, considerations of power (in the form of internal/external balancing) are central to strategic stability in the Sino-Indian dyad, and that any recourse to diplomacy that ignores the realities of military power is unlikely to be successful for crisis management.