比较政治学研究中的个案方法探析

个案研究法是对客观世界的某个具有典型特征的事件进行实际描述和理论分析的方法。本文主张将个案研究法引入比较政治学研究领域，并作为一个重要研究途径或突破口，促进我国比较政治学研究的深入发展。本文首先阐述了个案研究法的性质与特征；其次讨论了个案研究法在比较政治学研究中的地位与作用；最后论述了个案研究法的哲学基础     

当政治遇上历史:比较历史分析方法(CHA)介绍

当代西方比较政治研究由于过分迷信大样本计量统计和形式模型而忽视了许多人类社会生活中的实质性重要问题。作为一种有着深厚学术传统的研究范式,比较历史分析是部分西方学者对这一方法论危机的重要回应。相对而言,比较历史分析的研究特别致力于为大规模社会结果提供有历史深度的社会科学因果解释。它们不仅关注宏大的历史问题,而且试图为这些问题提供因果性解释;不仅运用案例间的比较确定历史问题的因果效应,同时重视案例内的分析探寻背后的因果机制;不仅热衷于追寻经济社会结果的长历史原因,同时强调历史时序的重要性。尽管国内政治学界一向擅长历史的研究,但由于缺乏规范的方法意识而鲜有比较历史分析的佳作。借助比较历史分析方法,中国学者不仅可以对本土政治问题开展跨国性的比较,同时可以整合不同研究方法的长处,繁荣中国的比较政治研究。     

政治学理论建构中的经验、历史与逻辑——对历史政治学发展的一项阶段性评估

历史政治学是中国政治学学科主体自觉和方法论反思的结果。在中国政治学方法论多元化以及由此引起的方法论之争的背景下,围绕如何更为有效地理解中国、解释中国,历史政治学逐渐成长为一种具有理论雄心和学科抱负的方法论主张和学术潮流。历史政治学的学科属性决定了其研究起点在于经验,经验的时空属性预置了社会科学理论建构中的“历史研究”路径。对于包括历史政治学在内的政治学理论研究来说,经验-历史基础上的逻辑呈现是社会理论建构的关键。经验、历史与逻辑的关系决定了历史政治学作为批判实证社会科学的研究进路和学术定位,同时也决定了其可能的成就与可能的风险。三年来,历史政治学在政治学概念创制和政治学议题拓展上取得了明显成就,但在实现(历史)政治学理论建构中“批判的自我呈现”一面尚待进一步努力。历史政治学发展中潜藏的风险源自于历史政治学与其经验基础的剥离,所以,从方法论上防范历史对经验的疏离以及逻辑对历史的疏离,重建经验世界的完整性、历史世界的统一性和逻辑世界的自洽性成为历史政治学后续发展的关键。从恢复和重建历史政治学理论建构与其经验基础的方法论通道的角度来说,“古典政治学”和“进程政治学”是历史政治学未来发展中较具...     

国际政治学与政治学中的国家权力——一种比较视角

国际政治学学者从两个方面理解国家权力概念:第一,社会学意义上的权力概念;第二,政治学意义上的政治权力概念。运用类比研究的方法,分析国际社会中的国家权力特性,而场域差异是国际社会中国家权力特性的来源。     

路在何方:宗教社会学在本科生教学中的困境——以安徽大学为例

宗教社会学在本科生教学中存在的困境是教材的理论性太强,学生难以理解,缺乏适宜的教辅素材,田野调查无法开展,学生的选课目标不明确,有凑学分的意味。要摆脱困境,教师和有关部门应明确定位宗教社会学的教学目标,编撰一部难易适中的教材,拍摄几部有教学价值的视频,制定一套成绩评定体系,增加田野调查活动。     

试评斯特恩的历史哲学——以历史唯物主义为参照维度

斯特恩从历史主体的内心体验出发,提出一种苦难体验型的历史哲学观;马克思立足于人们的生产实践活动,认为历史是在生产实践活动中客观生成的。斯特恩的历史哲学将人类的主题局限于苦难,忽视了生活实践的丰富性,这是不科学的,但是其注重对个体心理层面考察的思路可以成为马克思历史哲学的有益补充。     

历史政治学视野下边疆安全治理的语言政策路径探析——基于X地区双语教育政策实施历程（1949-2019）的考察

实施什么样的语言政策,关系到多民族大一统国家的政治整合与边疆安全治理效果。文章基于历史政治学的分析范式,考察新中国成立后X地区双语教育政策的变迁历程。语言政策在边疆安全治理实践中的作用机理,表现为语言同质化程度与边疆安全指数呈“U”型的关系变化特征。X地区双语教育政策的变迁大体经历了“生成—转型—巩固”的过程。在生成阶段（1949-1978）,“以民语教学为主,加授汉语”的传统模式并没有对边疆安全造成明显的负面影响;而在转型阶段（1979-2000）,随着系统环境的开放,边疆安全治理的困境也逐步显现,倒逼中央政府提高国家通用语言在双语教育中的权重;到了巩固阶段（2001-2019）,随着双语教育政策设计的规范化程度不断提高,边疆安全困境有所缓解。作为该政策的直接作用对象,民族边疆地区的居民对该政策的调整会做出相应的能动反应。最后,文章对以国家建构为核心旨趣的历史政治学范式在民族政治与边疆治理议题研究中的适用前景作了进一步探讨。     

中心主义国家现代化的历史逻辑——以近代中国社会中心力量转换为中心的考察

在中国这个超大型的国家和社会中,从古至今都存在一种居于中心地位、对整个国家和社会发展起到引领和主导作用的社会中心力量。作为中心主体,它通过对中心理念、中心制度和中心过程的形塑,构建了一种中心主义的国家形态,也因之成为中国这个中心主义国家的现代化的根本动力机制。晚清之际,在士大夫分化蜕变后,近代军队以其现代性和组织性暂时充当了过渡时期的社会中心力量,实现了社会中心力量从传统到现代的第一次转换,即从士大夫到近代军队的转换。民国成立10年之后,国共两党的崛起,使社会中心力量由近代军队向政党的转换成为必然。但是,国民党取代北洋军事集团,仅是社会中心力量从传统到现代第二次转换的过渡阶段,即半政党半军队阶段;共产党最终取代国民党,才完成了社会中心力量第二次转换和中国中心主义国家的现代转型。两次转换都体现了中心主体、中心理念、中心制度和中心过程的变革和发展,清晰地彰显出中心主义国家现代化的历史变迁逻辑。社会中心力量的存在及其转换是中国现代国家构建乃至中国政治的一个基本特征。本文尝试为理解中国政治给出一种贯通式、整全性的新解释,为认识国家现代化的多样性和普遍性提供新的理论思考。     

主题、类型和规范:国内政治学研究的状况分析--以近十年复印报刊资料《政治学》中的论文为对象

目前，政治学研究的主体队伍在高等院校，研究的领域以政治理论为主，多侧重于规范性研究。经验研究由于本身水准的制约，使之尚难以上升至本科学专业刊物的主流位置。值得重视的问题还在于：不管是经验研究，还是规范研究。其规范性程度均有待大力提高。相当部分论文既缺少必要的“文献评论”，也不作任何“文献引证”；既缺失“问题意识”，更不能提出自身的理论假设。不过，近年间《政治学》论文规范性程度的大步提升，或许既显示了主流专业学术刊物对学术规范的重视，也预示了本学科研究中业已出现的值得鼓舞和追求的努力。     

高校廉政教育与廉洁文化建设中的学科融入路径研究 ——以历史学科为例

高校廉政教育与廉洁文化建设是党和国家廉政文化建设的重要组成部分。基于高校自身的地位与特点、克服高校思想认识上的盲点与误区以及明确高校自身的职责与担当等方面考虑,当前高校廉政教育与廉洁文化建设应当强化学科意识。在广泛开展廉政教育与廉洁文化建设的过程中,充分发挥学科优势,深入挖掘学科中的廉政素材和廉洁文化因素,将学科资源的开发利用与廉政教育和廉洁文化建设有机结合起来有利于最大限度增强高校廉政教育的效果。以历史学科为例,高校廉政教育与廉政文化建设学科融入路径主要有:历史教材、历史文献、乡土历史故事、社会历史调查等。     

Towards the Vernacular,Away from Politics? Political History after the ‘New Political History’

This article considers how modern British political history has changed since the ‘new political history’ of the 1990s. It focusses on the ‘vernacular’ histories which have emerged in the last decade or so. The vernacular ‘turn’ is frequently framed by its proponents in opposition to the new political history, with its focus on the rhetoric of politicians and subsequent tendency to reproduce the perspectives of political elites. This article, however, identifies continuities between these approaches, noting their shared interest in advancing a more complex understanding of the relationship between politics and people in the past. It argues that the real challenge posed by the vernacular lies in the necessary reckoning with the ‘apartness’ of politics from the perspective of ordinary people. Yet here too, this piece suggests, the vernacular turn can be seen as the latest stage in a continual rethinking of the relationship between political, social and cultural history.     

How (Not) to Form a Progressive Alliance: Lessons from the History of Left Cooperation

Britain’s political parties can be divided into two blocs: a ‘progressive bloc’ of parties on the left/centre‐left, and a ‘reactionary bloc’ of those on the right/centre‐right. In three of the last four general elections, the progressive bloc won an appreciably larger share of the popular vote than its reactionary rival. Yet its greater internal fragmentation has been repeatedly punished under first past the post, leading to what is now over a decade of Conservative‐led governments. This has prompted growing pressure to form a ‘progressive alliance’ between Labour, Liberal Democrats, Greens, and their Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish nationalist competitors. This article sheds a historical and international light on these demands, examining the difficulties other similar efforts at progressive cooperation have faced across the world. It considers how progressive alliances have previously sought to overcome geographical, ideological, and social divides between their constituent members, and draws some salutary lessons for British progressives today.     

Policing Academics: The Arkhè of Transformation in Academic Ranking

This article attempts a properly critical and political analysis of the “police power” immanent to the form and logic of academic rankings, and which is reproduced in the extant academic literature generated around them. In contrast to the democratising claims made of rankings, this police power short-circuits the moment of democratic politics and establishes the basis for the oligarchic power of the State and its status quo. Central in this founding political moment is the notion of the Arkhè, a necessarily asymmetric “distribution of the sensible” that establishes the basis of the political order, in this case an oligarchic political order. Drawing on Foucault and Rancière, the article argues for a necessary “dissensus” with both the ranking practice and its attendant academic literature, as the first step towards a politics of ranking that is properly critical, and therefore genuinely political.     

Inequality,marketisation and the left: Schools policy in England and Sweden

It is argued in this article that the marketisation of schools policy has a tendency to produce twin effects: an increase in educational inequality, and an increase in general satisfaction with the schooling system. However, the effect on educational inequality is very much stronger where prevailing societal inequality is higher. The result is that cross‐party political agreement on the desirability of such reforms is much more likely where societal inequality is lower (as the inequality effects are also lower). Counterintuitively, then, countries that are more egalitarian – and so typically thought of as being more left‐wing – will have a higher likelihood of adopting marketisation than more unequal countries. Evidence is drawn from a paired comparison of English and Swedish schools policies from the 1980s to the present. Both the policy history and elite interviews lend considerable support for the theory in terms of both outcomes and mechanisms.     

Back to the Future? Warnings from History for a Future UK Constitutional Convention

Amid the fallout from the Scottish independence referendum, a UK constitutional convention has been proposed as a mechanism to take stock not only of the referendum, but also of the past fifteen years of devolution. However, despite longstanding conceptions of British constitutional development, a constitutional convention would not herald a brave new world for the UK's constitution. As the article highlights, in the past hundred years there have been two attempts to treat the territorial constitution in the round: the Speaker's Conference on Devolution, 1919–1920 and the Royal Commission on the Constitution, 1969–1973. This article examines both of these forums, arguing that they provide clear warnings for a future UK constitutional convention, in particular the threat of internal division that any such forum risks facing. A danger that this article highlights is heightened by the associated difficulty of reaching agreement across the UK's ‘state of unions’.     

The politics of history and historical memory in China-Japan relations

The current state of China-Japan relations is characterized by two seemingly contradictory developments adjacent to each other: while economic and cultural relations have experienced an unprecedented and continuous improvement since the 1980s, Chinese and Japanese public perceptions of each other have been deteriorating. This raises interesting questions. How do we explain this discrepancy and what are the sources of the increasing public animosity in China or Japan toward the other country? Can China and Japan maintain amicable relations and continue economic cooperation in spite of the enduring mistrust between their peoples? What is the role of public perception and memory of history in the foreign policies of East Asia? This paper addresses these questions, focusing especially on the last one — the role of history and collective historical memory in international relations and the interaction between public sentiment and government foreign policies. Through a detailed study of recent events and the issue of Japanese textbooks, the author argues that public perception of history can and should be guided toward more positive directions. Otherwise, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain amicable relations between the two countries, especially when new nationalism is on the rise in both counties.     

近50年来政治文化研究的回顾

政治文化是政治学发展史上后行为主义实证政治学时代的产物.本文着重对国外政治文化的四个主要流派和国内从1987年以来产生的四种不同观点进行了综合归纳和分析,并在此基础上提出了自己对相关概念的认识和理解.