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1.
《Orbis》2016,60(3):353-365
The demographic shift in America may well strengthen U.S. foreign policy, as well as military capability and economic competitiveness. In a globalized world, America's ethnic diversity, the innovation that comes from bringing the best and the brightest from around the world to this country, and the fact that a diverse population becomes a stakeholder class could all work to ensure that the United States remains the most influential nation in the world.  相似文献   

2.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):247-267
From the beginning of his peace research in 1961, Alcock expected some happy combination of disarmament and world government to lead to world peace. By 1971 this happy combination included world development, which involved a world government in redistributing the savings from disarmament. Since no progress resulted from arms control and disarmament talks and treaties by 1978, and since no progress was made in revising the United Nations charter toward an effective world government, Alcock proposed reducing military expenditures instead of arms, since the reduction of military expenditures 10% per year could be verified by fiscal inspection; aid could be transferred from nations with the most money to nations with the most people; and Peace‐keeping forces could be established to operate automatically on the basis of action criteria or tension readings independently of United Nations voting. In this manner, disarmament, aid, and peacekeeping would simultaneously reduce civil, international, and structural violence, leading to a happier, healthier, wealthier, and wiser world at peace. Unfortunately, the United Nations Special Sessions on Disarmament in 1978 and 1982 paid little attention to proposals such as these.  相似文献   

3.
21世纪以来,俄罗斯、中国和美国一直在重新定义它们的国际角色,尤其是在世界经济力量和经济增长模式重新恢复平衡的环境中,俄中美三国正力图构建一个有利于自身经济发展的国际格局。运用SWOT经济分析方法对俄中关三国经济发展进行预测,可以看出三国由三角关系走向三边关系是具有必然性的。由这一点出发,我们才能在后危机时代有效地把握世界格局的走向,维护国家利益,从而促进世界和平与经济发展。  相似文献   

4.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):297-317
This is an interpretative review of Quincy Wright's A Study of War. In his anthropological and historical surveys, Wright traced warfare from the animals to the atomic age, including primitive warfare, civilized warfare, and modern warfare. These surveys suggested that war was primarily a function of civilization and imperialism. In order to control war, the conditions of peace have to be established. This means creating a new world order oriented toward justice and welfare rather than wealth and power. This is the task of world law, but the law cannot be effective without world acceptance of justice and welfare as standards of human behavior. A sense of world citizenship is required to support the law in its efforts to achieve justice, maintain order, and administer welfare. It would seem that something like world welfare is required to control world warfare.  相似文献   

5.
2008年,世界经济被金融、能源、粮食三重危机所笼罩.尤其是金融危机从美国向世界各地扩散和蔓延,从虚拟经济向实体经济扩散和蔓延,阻断了世界经济持续发展的进程.  相似文献   

6.
The relationship between psychopathology and world politics can be considered firstly from the world politics perspective. This means examining the dysfunctional forms of human behaviour manifest there—both individual and collective/communal. It means examining how such behaviour can be described and explained in psychiatric or psychological/psychoanalytical terms. The relationship between psychopathology and world politics can also be considered from the psychopathology perspective. This means examining some of the key psychopathological concepts that are of relevance to world affairs. It means examining paranoia or narcissism, for example, and the way understanding syndromes like these helps further our understanding of world affairs.  相似文献   

7.
What the current world is most concerned about is the situation of security.Without security,it is not to mention economic construction,nor peaceful development,nor people living and working in peace and contentment.Allcountries in the world are no exception in this regard.This article will deal briefly with the questions of whether the cur-rent world is secure,where the threats to the world security come from and how these threats are coped with.I.The current world is secure on the whole but…  相似文献   

8.
陈利君 《东南亚》2009,(3):40-45
2007年的世界“粮食危机”引起了国际社会的广泛关注。印度作为中国的邻国及仅次于中国的世界第二人口大国,其粮食安全保障体系如今面临着巨大的挑战。一旦印度粮食危机爆发,不仅会对正在崛起的印度经济社会发展造成巨大影响,而且会波及周边国家乃至世界。因此,我们应当关注印度粮食安全,并寻找应对之策。  相似文献   

9.
《Orbis》2018,62(4):582-597
Theresa May promised a new role for the United Kingdom in the world, dubbed “Global Britain.” But what challenges arise from supposedly being more open to the world while decoupling from the European Union? This article explores how much the UK can meet the expectations stemming from a new, unabashedly global posture. Examining the rhetoric of British foreign policy since 1945 is juxtaposed against the emerging language of global openness after Brexit to illustrate what the UK's partners might expect for trade, security, and global governance. In evaluating the strategic benefits of using the rhetoric of globalism after EU withdrawal, this article examines the British state's capacity to find the administrative resources, public expenditure, and elite consensus necessary to redefine the country's position in world affairs. While the political expediency of devising a new role cannot be faulted, the strategic value of “Global Britain” appears limited in light of this analysis.  相似文献   

10.
实行本国货币自由兑换,最终成为世界货币是世界大国国家竞争战略的一个重要组成部分。从汇率制度改革的进度看,俄罗斯要领先于中国一步。从货币的国际影响来看,人民币在周边国家居民中已经逐渐被认可并接受,人民币作为交易货币和清算货币已是事实。货币国际化的前提是本国经济的国际化,而要达到这一点无论是中国还是俄罗斯,都还有很长的路要走。  相似文献   

11.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):83-110
Studies of hegemonic stability tend to specify periods when hegemony is present or absent in the world system. Periods in which hegemony is present are expected to exhibit openness for trade. Periods in which hegemony is absent should be associated with trade closure. Partially as a consequence of this nominal measurement strategy, scholars continue to be unsure whether hegemony and systemic leadership are linked to the openness of the world's trading system. We contend that analysts need to devote more attention to the sources of preponderance and less to its arbitrary presence or absence. Focusing on the U.S. from 1870 to 1990, we first articulate a theory linking certain political-economic systemic leadership variables to trade openness, in terms of the directions, signs, and diffusion speed of the causal links. We then estimate Granger causality and distributed lag models to test our predictions empirically. The empirical results support our theoretical interpretation. The Granger causalities between world trade openness and the systemic leadership variables are found to be reciprocal, with the effects of systemic leadership on world trade openness working faster than those of world trade openness on the hegemon. World trade openness exerts a negative effect on systemic leadership, while systemic leadership promotes world trade openness.  相似文献   

12.
It is analyzed how size differences among countries affect the benefits from climate coalitions. It is shown that size differences lead to smaller coalitions and greater benefits than coalitions among identical countries. The importance of trigger strategies for supporting cooperative solutions is considered. A real world example, based on the world’s six largest emitters, is used to illustrate the implications of size differences in terms of emissions versus valuations of benefits. Climate coalitions become smaller when ranking in terms of benefits is different from ranking in terms of emissions. Three cases of benefit valuations are considered: benefits equal (i) share in world emissions, (ii) share in world GDP, and (iii) share of world population.  相似文献   

13.
This article is an inquiry into the relationship between diplomacy and public imagination in world politics. Neither the conventional conceptions of diplomacy as the art or practice of negotiations among groups or states, nor more critical meditations on the mediation of conflictual narratives, it is argued, can adequately explain the very subjective foundations of diplomacy as a normative practice in world politics. This glaring oversight is in large part due to the lack of engagement with the varied contours of historical meaning and memory that condition human thoughts and relations in world society. Diplomacy, I argue, is very much implicated in the normative dictates of public imagination: namely, the public understanding of history which arises from the exclusionary—and hence often conflicting—cultural narratives about nationhood, justice, language, rights, personhood, et cetera that remain the perennial facts of human relations in world society. As such, the practice of diplomacy can be reconceived as a paradox: an intervention into, and an enabler of, exclusivist narrations of public imagination in world society.  相似文献   

14.
This article explores the implications of Giorgio Agamben's genealogy of government for our understanding of critique. Agamben argues that the providential government of the world of Christian theology has bequeathed to the West an ontology of will and command. Replacing the pantheistic world of Stoic late Antiquity, the Christian world must be other than it is. The lack that this introduces is central to Agamben's account of nihilism, as it was also for Nietzsche. But what does this mean for critique? Does critique belong to the nihilistic tradition of the West; occupying the still-warm seat of God inasmuch as it finds the world wanting as if from the outside? Does this mean we are left only with affirmation—passively acceding to the world as we find it? Or is this alternative of world-rejection/world-affirmation a false one? Agamben's concept of use seeks a way out of it.  相似文献   

15.
泰国有着悠久的水稻生产传统,有世界第五大的水稻栽培土地,是世界上最大的大米出口国。本文分析泰国水稻生产的历史、政策及未来战略,以给我国的水稻生产提供一些启示。  相似文献   

16.
人民币国际化内生于中国经济发展和对外开放,也要服务于中国的经济发展战略和对外开放战略。人民币国际化实质上是货币国际化的一般规律与中国国情的有机结合。在路径选择上,人民币国际化应遵循渐进性和实验性的策略,逐步实现由区域货币-国际货币-世界货币的演进。中国-东盟自由贸易区特别是大湄公河次区域是人民币区域化的最佳区域。  相似文献   

17.
This contribution focuses on the consequences of the natural disaster in Japan for the world financial markets as seen around half a year after the nuclear accident happened. It, thus, focuses on expectations about what would happen in macroeconomics terms later on. For this purpose, it examines how deep the slump in growth was, to what extent Japanese suppliers are integrated into international production chains, and how much the world economy would, thus, be affected. Moreover, it assesses what the economic implications of a forced withdrawal from nuclear energy as a reaction to the disaster would have been. Finally, it elaborates on the consequences of the natural disaster in Japan for the world financial markets and for the development of national debt.  相似文献   

18.
Closer to us in what it integrates and in its consequences, global politics still gets conceptualized as if it belonged to a realm of its own, disembedded and abstracted beyond quotidian experiences of power. Still folded in a supernatural world that cannot be of their making, as far from experience as their cold war predecessors were, international studies (IS) students are as alienated and find it as hard to work with critical imagination.
To teach students to be more than mere technicians of whatever new world order may be born of present circumstances, we have to unmake the political separation that still exists between the study and teaching of global politics and everyday life in the world economy.
This article presents a record of a decade-long teaching experiment conducted in the department of political science at Laval University in Québec City. Borrowing techniques and inspiration from the "historical avant-garde," I have worked to reinvent my pedagogical practice to create "situations" in which students can be full, unalienated subjects in the learning process.  相似文献   

19.
刘江永 《东北亚论坛》2020,(3):3-16,127
在世界大变局中,战后国际格局重大变化的主要标志是“世界老二”易位。苏联、日本皆不例外;21世纪以来欧盟也由盛转衰。未来国际格局可能有三种前景:1.中美两极对抗体制;2.中美竞争合作的“两极多元体制”;3.世界各大力量多元并存,构建多元一体的人类命运共同体。这要看世界潮流是走向和平多边主义还是暴力多边主义。中国实现伟大复兴后的战略选择是“济弱扶倾”,为世界可持续发展与可持续安全做贡献。日本面临的战略选择是:继续在《日本国宪法》下走和平发展道路,还是修改宪法,成为“能战国家”的一员,加入暴力强权的多边主义?坚持开放的地区主义与国际协调,还是搞排他经济集团,远交近攻,以中国为竞争对手?利用中美对立从中渔利,还是促进中美协调而避免在中美之间“选边站”?妥善处理中日两国围绕钓鱼岛归属认知争议和台湾问题,还是重走历史老路?囿于冷战思维和传统权力政治的现实主义决策逻辑,同中国搞战略对抗,还是树立共同、综合、合作、可持续安全的新安全观,与中国加强合作?这些战略选择将关乎未来30年的中日关系。  相似文献   

20.
The growing popularity and use of news Web sites around the world provides new possibilities for studying the position of the United States in the world system charted by digital news items. In this article, we look at 35 popular news sites in 10 different languages over a 2-year period, in order to assess the position of the United States in world news as well as to identify possible explanations for it. Our findings show that the United States is by far the most prominent country in the news sites that we studied from around the world, except for the French and Arabic ones. The network structure of news links clearly exhibits its key position as the centerpiece of a global system. Economic factors better explain America's news prominence than political, social, and geographical factors. Yet, none of the many variables we examined could explain the large gap between the news prominence of the United States and that of the rest of the world. We discuss possible reasons for these findings and suggest directions for further studies in the field.

[Supplementary material is available for this article. Go to the publisher's online edition of Political Communication for the following free supplemental resource: network data.]  相似文献   

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