共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Anton Oleinik 《Society》2008,45(3):288-293
The experience of Soviet involvement in Afghanistan (1979–1989) is considered through the prism of institutional transfers.
Afghanistan has a long history of attempts to implement Muslim, Soviet and Anglo-Saxon institutional designs. Most of them
have failed. This failure can be attributed to the lack of ‘elective affinity’ between traditional and new institutions imported
from more developed countries. It is argued that a careful examination of the degree of elective affinity must precede any
attempt of institutional transfers. An analysis of Ph.D. dissertations defended by Afghan students at Soviet and Russian universities
complements logical arguments and references to historical facts.
相似文献
Anton OleinikEmail: |
2.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Society》2009,46(3):227-231
Callahan is wrong to be pro-death, but he’s right to say that to live well—or for society to have a real future—we have to
care about more than mere life. Futile attempts to stop the pursuit of extreme personal prolongevity are contrary to our rights-based
way of life. It’s also contrary to human love and dignity to regard the old as a threat.
相似文献
Peter Augustine LawlerEmail: |
3.
4.
We report the results of an experiment designed to replicate and extend recent findings on motivated political reasoning.
In particular, we are interested in disconfirmation biases—the tendency to counter-argue or discount information with which
one disagrees—in the processing of political arguments on policy issues. Our experiment examines 8 issues, including some
of local relevance and some of national relevance, and manipulates the presentation format of the policy arguments. We find
strong support for our basic disconfirmation hypothesis: people seem unable to ignore their prior beliefs when processing
arguments or evidence. We also find that this bias is moderated by political sophistication and strength of prior attitude.
We do not find, however, that argument type matters, suggesting that motivated biases are quite robust to changes in argument
format. Finally, we find strong support for the polarization of attitudes as a consequence of biased processing.
相似文献
Charles S. TaberEmail: |
5.
Michael P. McDonald 《Political Behavior》2008,30(4):491-501
I find that statewide registration portability—permitting registrants who move anywhere within a state to transfer their registration
and vote on Election Day at their new polling place—increases turnout rates among movers by 2.4% points. The effect is similar
among movers living in EDR states, suggesting that about a quarter of the beneficial turnout effect of EDR is realized by
recent movers. Yet, movers are still less likely to vote even where these policies are present. These findings further challenge
existing literature that finds that reregistering is the primary impediment of voting among movers.
相似文献
Michael P. McDonaldEmail: URL: elections.gmu.edu |
6.
Cheryl Boudreau 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):287-306
Many scholars lament citizens’ lack of political sophistication, while others emphasize that information shortcuts can substitute
for sophistication and help citizens with their political choices. In this paper, I use experiments to assess whether and
under what conditions institutions can substitute for sophistication and enable even unsophisticated citizens to make informed
decisions. The results of my experiments demonstrate that institutions, such as a penalty for lying or a threat of verification,
can help both sophisticated and unsophisticated citizens to make more informed decisions. Further, my results suggest that
institutions may, under certain conditions, level the playing field between sophisticated and unsophisticated citizens.
相似文献
Cheryl BoudreauEmail: |
7.
Daniel J. Mahoney 《Society》2009,46(1):12-20
The French political thinker Raymond Aron (1905–1983) provides the imitable model of the political philosopher as civic educator.
Writing in an age of extreme ideological polarization, he aimed at a truly balanced approach to historical and political understanding.
In a series of writings from the late 1930’s onward, Aron defended a principled middle way between Machiavellian cynicism
and the “abstract moralism” so evident in the public engagement of modern intellectuals. Aron argued for the renewal of liberalism
on the foundation of a broad-based “democratic conservatism” and displayed remarkable lucidity regarding the totalitarian
temptation. This paper explores this distinctive notion of “democratic conservatism”—equally distant from revolutionary romanticism
and reactionary nostalgia—that guided Aron’s public engagement over a fifty-year period and that was central to his idea of
the political responsibility of intellectuals.
相似文献
Daniel J. MahoneyEmail: |
8.
Lee H. Igel 《Society》2008,45(6):512-514
Most people mistakenly assume that health care first became a major political issue in 1945 because President Harry S. Truman’s
special address to Congress on Nov. 19 of that year marked the first time a sitting president publicly endorsed a national
health-care program. But the question of whether—or to what extent—it is the responsibility of government to subsidize health
care for its citizens has been around for a much longer amount of time. Now that health care has become a major focus of domestic
political debate, especially in light of the impending presidential election, this article, modified from an entry in the
forthcoming Encyclopedia of Campaigns, Elections, & Electoral Behavior (Sage Publications), serves to inform the reader of the origins and history of health care as a campaign issue.
相似文献
Lee H. IgelEmail: |
9.
Decades of research suggests that campaign contact together with an advantageous socioeconomic profile increases the likelihood
of casting a ballot. Measurement and modeling handicaps permit a lingering uncertainty about campaign communication as a source
of political mobilization however. Using data from a uniquely detailed telephone survey conducted in a pair of highly competitive
2002 U.S. Senate races, we further investigate who gets contacted, in what form, and with what effect. We conclude that even
in high-profile, high-dollar races the most important determinant of voter turnout is vote history, but that holding this
variable constant reveals a positive effect for campaign communication among “seldom” voters, registered but rarely active
participants who—ironically—are less likely than regular or intermittent voters to receive such communication.
相似文献
E. Terrence JonesEmail: |
10.
Howard L. Kaye 《Society》2008,45(2):152-154
Eugene Goodheart provides an eloquent defense of the non-literalist, religious imagination before the aggressive atheism of
several of today’s leading neo-Darwinists. But the position that he takes—that science and religion represent “complementary
perspectives” serving different, yet equally permanent needs—is undermined by two fundamental problems. First, the claim that
science can only tell us how the natural world works, while religion offers meaning, value, and moral guidance, may hold true
when science is understood on the model of mathematical physics, but not when evolutionary biology and its derivatives are
considered. Even Stephen Jay Gould, whose famous defense of science and religion as “nonoverlappling magisteria” resembles
Goodheart’s, acknowledges that the case of evolutionary biology is profoundly different. Here evolutionary fact and moral
values bleed together obscuring the boundary between science and religion. Second, religion and legacy of the religious imagination
embedded in our culture, lose their ability to provide meaning, morals, and consolation when core elements of religious teaching
are no longer believed to be true.
相似文献
Howard L. KayeEmail: |
11.
Robert L. Jackson 《Society》2008,45(1):20-29
Over the past year, several published volumes have argued that American politics is careening out of control, toward a slippery
slope of twenty-first century theocracy. Most of these books present tendentious interpretations of contemporary politics
as matter-of-fact analysis. The reader is assumed to hold the same interpretive bias and warned of the dangers of a new and
powerful American “fundamentalism.” The current article explores a historical parallel to today’s trend. Nearly a century
ago, the Progressive Education movement sought to undermine the pedagogical dominance of traditional, literature-based education,
preferring a more socially-conscious curriculum. The striking similarities between John Dewey’s anti-traditional approach
and the present-day anti-theocracy faction are multitude—and worth our consideration. The seeds of Progressive Education are
now producing weeds of anti-religious sentiment across America’s political landscape—a cultural phenomena that is constricting
the growth of a much needed civil discourse.
相似文献
Robert L. JacksonEmail: |
12.
Alexander Brown 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):435-464
This article considers whether or not there are any global egalitarian rights through a critical examination of the political
philosophy of Ronald Dworkin. Although Dworkin maintains that equal concern is the special and indispensable virtue of sovereigns
and the hallmark of a fraternal political community, it is far from obvious whether the demands of equality stop at state
borders. While some scholars in the field—most notably Thomas Pogge—posit the existence of negative rights in relation to
social and economic inequalities at the global level, here I try to defend the existence of positive global egalitarian rights
by appealing to Dworkin’s own two principles of ethical individualism. I also set out the framework for a version of what
I call global luck egalitarianism based on Dworkin’s equality of resources and try to respond to David Miller’s charge that
comparative principles of justice do not apply at the global level.
相似文献
Alexander BrownEmail: |
13.
Robert A. Stebbins 《Society》2009,46(2):155-159
Being motivated to volunteer is a crucial condition for both the volunteers and those seeking their services. Yet the reigning
conceptual model of volunteering in the field of nonprofit sector studies—an economic one based on the idea that the first
may be defined as people engaged in unpaid labor—offers at best a superficial explanation of the motives encouraging them
to altruistically offer their time. In light of this conceptual deficiency another definition of volunteering (and hence volunteer)
has, of late, been gaining acceptance. Sometimes referred to as a volitional definition, it roots in sociology and social
psychology: volunteers feel they are engaging in a leisure activity, which they have had the option to accept or reject on
their own terms.
相似文献
Robert A. StebbinsEmail: |
14.
Marc Bühlmann Wolfgang Merkel Lisa Müller Bernhard Weßels 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):114-122
Ohne Zusammenfassung
* Die vier Autor(inn)en arbeiten in einem gemeinsamen Forschungsprojekt des NCCR Democracy (vom Schweizerischen Nationalfonds
finanziertes National Centre of Competence in Research: Challenges to Democracy in the 21st Century) und des WZB an einem „Demokratiebarometer“ für die 30 OECD-Staaten, das die Ignoranz der 0-Varianz bei Polity und Freedom House aufkl?ren will.
相似文献
Marc Bühlmann (Corresponding author)Email: |
Wolfgang MerkelEmail: |
Lisa MüllerEmail: |
Bernhard We?elsEmail: |
15.
Peter R. Wilshusen 《Policy Sciences》2009,42(2):137-162
This article explores the everyday exchanges associated with community-based natural resources management in southeastern
Mexico to suggest how formal and informal social practices shape conservation and development outcomes. Discussions of social
process in most policy analyses emphasize formal exchanges based in rational action but typically overlook the impact of everyday
social practices, which often occur “off-stage.” First, I build on existing conceptualizations of social process in the policy
sciences by exploring culturally-informed approaches focused on everyday practice, infrapolitics, and performance. Second,
I present a case study detailing the emergence and decline of a timber marketing fund to reveal how informal lending among
community members contributed to the decapitalization of the fund. Third, I trace flows of economic capital from the fund
in order to discuss specific policy outcomes. Fourth, I present ethnographic and archival evidence showing the persistence
and frequency of informal lending, the performative aspects of local social process, and the character of “off-stage” interactions.
I conclude with a discussion of social process that extends analysis beyond values-based outcomes to consider how long-standing
practices based in particular logics (political cultures) collide with formalized (technocratic) practices of the public sphere.
I employ this conceptual approach to critically examine questions of petty corruption and local conflict, to uncover multiple
dimensions of micro political interaction, and to explore how cultural perspectives on social process might inform policy
responses.
相似文献
Peter R. WilshusenEmail: |
16.
Catherine Simpson Bueker 《Society》2009,46(5):423-428
Policy makers tend to focus on the extension of citizenship as the primary means by which new populations become incorporated
into a society. Although acquiring formal citizenship is necessary in order to participate in many aspects of a state's civic,
social, and political life, the extension of legal citizenship is far from a guarantee for full membership. Instead of focusing
exclusively on naturalizing immigrants, we need to consider T.H. Marshall's three spheres of citizenship—the civil, political,
and social. By extending social elements of citizenship prior to or at the same time as we extend other benefits, we will
move towards more complete citizenship for and greater civil and political engagement among all residents in our society—non-citizens,
naturalized, and native-born, alike.
相似文献
Catherine Simpson BuekerEmail: |
17.
Bryan S. Turner 《Society》2009,46(3):255-261
The article examines illustrations from ancient and modern societies to consider the connections between power, social elites
and knowledge of techniques to promote longevity. In pre-modern societies, knowledge of practices and substances to promote
longevity were cultivated by elites such as the Chinese imperial court. In modern societies, new technologies—cryonics, cloning,
stem-cell applications and nanotechnology—will offer exclusive and expensive methods for prolonging life for the rich. However
one important difference between the ancient and modern world is that with secularization longevity is no longer connected
with a moral life; longevity is not a reward for sanctity. We have democratized the ambition for long life but not necessarily
its realization. The modern quest for longevity appears to be connected with the desire of Baby Boomer generations to hold
on to their assets, but while modern medicine may help us to survive forever, it cannot tell us how to live forever.
相似文献
Bryan S. TurnerEmail: |
18.
This article outlines the recent development of Chinese political studies spawned by the transformation of Chinese politics
in the post-Mao era, with its focus mainly on contributions from the Chinese scholarship. After a close examination of the
applicability of the western theories on the transforming politics in China, it reviews the indigenous methodologies, the
theorizations on the Chinese Communist Party, the state-society relationship analysis, and research on the central-local relationship.
Referring to the original works in different periods, the article generally portrays the indigenous contributions of the Chinese
academia, and illustrates the essential connections between real politics and theoretical progress.
Yang Guangbin PhD, Professor in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. Professor Yang’s research areas include comparative institutional analysis, the political economy of China, institutions of governance, regulatory state, democratic politics, political development, Chinese domestic political economy and foreign relations. Li Miao a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. His research interests include political development, state-society relationship, and religion & politics, with a particular emphasis on the Church-State relations in contemporary China. 相似文献
Guangbin YangEmail: |
Yang Guangbin PhD, Professor in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. Professor Yang’s research areas include comparative institutional analysis, the political economy of China, institutions of governance, regulatory state, democratic politics, political development, Chinese domestic political economy and foreign relations. Li Miao a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. His research interests include political development, state-society relationship, and religion & politics, with a particular emphasis on the Church-State relations in contemporary China. 相似文献
19.
‘Opening up’ policy to reflexive appraisal: a role for Q Methodology? A case study of fire management in Cape York,Australia 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
David G. Ockwell 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(4):263-292
Recent decades have witnessed increasing attention in theory and practice to participatory approaches to policy appraisal,
in part due to the potential of such approaches to facilitate reflexive policy appraisal. It has been observed, however, that
in practice these approaches are often as prone as traditional, non-participatory appraisal techniques to being limited in
the extent to which that can achieve reflexivity e.g. due to the influence of interests and power and problems of representation.
This article explores the extent to which Q Methodology, or ‘Q’, can play a role in ‘opening up’ (Stirling Science, Technology & Human Values, 33, 262–294, 2008) policy to reflexive appraisal. A Q study of fire management discourses in Cape York, northern Australia is
presented which exposes the existence of four key discourses in the region: discourse A—rational fire management; discourse
B—fire-free conservation; discourse C—pragmatic, locally controlled burning; and discourse D—indigenous controlled land management.
At present only discourses A and C are reflected in policy. Appraising existing policy on the basis of the different constructions
articulated by discourses B and D of the purpose of and practices involved in fire management, is successful in opening up
existing policy to reflexive appraisal. In the face of considerable scientific uncertainty as to the ecological impacts of
different burning regimes in northern Australia, this process of opening up has important potential for appraising the social
desirability of existing policy and practice in the region. This analysis provides a practical demonstration of the wider
potential of Q Methodology in opening up other important contemporary policy issues to reflexive appraisal. It also provides
the basis for recommending the expansion of participatory processes for facilitating stakeholder engagement in fire management
policy and practice in Cape York.
相似文献
David G. OckwellEmail: |
20.
Sangmin Bae 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(2):233-240
This article examines distinctive American political institutions that contribute to explaining the continued use of the death
penalty. In the light of wide popular support for capital punishment, strong political leadership is considered to be a principal
channel for the abolition of capital punishment. The dilemma of the US death penalty, however, lies in populist features of
political structures that greatly limit the political leverage and possibilities available to leaders. The institutional arrangements
in the United States allow public support for the death penalty to influence political decision making more directly than
it can in the European counterpart. A strong receptiveness of US political leaders to the public also implies that once public
opinion changes, political leaders are likely to respond to the public’s new attitude. Unlike most countries, which abolished
the death penalty through political initiatives that were counter-majoritarian, the United States may abolish it only after
a change in public opinion.
相似文献
Sangmin BaeEmail: |