北方农村高额彩礼的动力机制——基于“婚姻市场”的实践分析

在田野调研的基础上,以婚姻市场理论作为当前北方农村高额彩礼现象的分析框架,深入婚姻市场的构成基础和动力机制,聚焦于婚姻市场的主体和规则。研究发现,女方的婚姻要价是高额彩礼形成的基础性条件,男方的支付动力是高额彩礼之可能的必要条件;社会竞争和阶层配对的动力机制推动并实现了女方要价与男方支付的互动与勾连,从而共同助推北方农村高额彩礼的形成。     

新生代农民工的婚姻稳定性研究——基于社会交换理论的视角

当前新生代农民工的婚姻稳定性遭遇严重的冲击和挑战。从社会交换理论的视角来看,在新生代农民工的婚姻模式中,婚姻的内在吸引力日渐弱化,婚姻替代吸引力不断增强,农村婚姻解体的社会成本有所下降,婚姻离散的风险增加,在很大程度上弱化了婚姻的稳定性。     

性别失衡背景下中国农村人口的婚姻策略与婚姻质量——对X市和全国百村调查的分析

本文利用2009年X市农村流动人口调查和2010年全国百村调查数据,从性别、出生队列、人口流动与区域视角综合分析性别失衡下农村人口的婚姻策略和婚姻质量状况。分析发现,男性婚姻挤压对农村人口婚姻策略的影响初露端倪,明显降低了婚姻质量,城乡人口流动对农村人口婚姻的正负影响相互交织,男性婚姻挤压对婚姻影响的地区差异逐步加大。     

婚姻挤压下农村残疾男性的婚恋机会和婚姻策略

本文利用"全国百村个人调查"数据比较分析了农村残疾男性的婚恋机会和婚姻策略。分析发现,农村残疾男性的婚恋机会不容乐观,单身状态持续时间更长;已婚者婚姻的"同类匹配"程度降低;为了增加结婚机会,未婚者被迫降低择偶标准,采取婚娶有婚史女性、实施入赘婚姻和婚娶残疾女性的婚姻策略。研究有利于从婚姻挤压角度认识农村残疾男性的婚恋困境。     

1989-2030年中国人口婚姻挤压研究

婚姻挤压是由婚姻市场中可供选择的男女两性人口数相差较大、比例失调而形成的,反映了一个队列人口潜在的择偶压力。本文基于全国第六次人口普查数据,利用队列要素法和婚配性别比法,测算我国初婚市场的婚姻挤压度及变化趋势。研究发现,1989—2010年我国婚姻挤压突升突降,表现出不同程度的轻度男性与女性婚姻挤压;2011-2030年,我国婚姻挤压度随着时间推移逐年增大,到2030年MR值高达119.86,为中度男性婚姻挤压,这期间会导致少数男性处于终身不婚的状态。现实中夫妇婚龄差、通婚圈的逐渐扩大以及"单独"二孩政策的实施会在一定程度上减缓未来婚姻市场的潜在择偶压力。     

农村婚姻迁移女性生活福利研究

婚姻迁移作为一种社会流动方式对女性的发展起着重要的作用。本文利用2014年全国9省"婚姻迁移与农村女性发展"的专项调查数据,分别对不同婚姻迁移状态农村已婚女性和婚姻迁移女性内部的生活福利进行系统分析。研究表明,与本地已婚女性相比,婚姻迁移女性的生活福利并未表现出明显的弱势,部分福利维度反而呈现出较好的优越性,尤其在经济、社会支持和家庭关系福利方面;婚姻迁移女性内部生活福利存在一定程度的差异。     

婚姻观念与婚姻行为的社会学解析

家庭是人们以婚姻、血缘、收养或感情等关系为纽带组成的,以比较持久的共同生活以及一定程度上的经济共有、共享为主要特征的初级社会生活群体。婚姻是家庭的基础,婚姻质量的好坏直接影响到社会成员的日常生活。现代社会中,离婚率和不婚率逐年上升,婚姻质量问题越来越受到人们的关注。社会学具有独特的认识社会现象视角,依照社会学的理论和方法认识理解婚姻质量观念和婚姻行为,能够更为清晰地把握这一问题。     

上山下乡知识青年的婚姻问题

在上山下乡运动中,知识青年的婚姻是一个涉及面颇广的问题。“文化大革命”的历史背景,以及将城市青年送往农村接受“再教育”的特定形式,使这个问题有别于一般意义上的社会婚姻问题,而成为上山下乡运动中纠结着诸多矛盾的一个焦点。剖析这个问题,有助于加深对上山下乡运动性质的理解。本文试从知青婚姻的政策、已婚知青的人数、知青婚姻的类型、已婚知青的难题四个方面展开讨论。     

时间、空间与中国农村男性的婚姻机会

本研究使用来自中国东西部社区的定性数据,从时间和空间的视角分析农村成婚困难男性的婚姻策略。结果显示,存在光棍向偏远山区或贫穷地区集中的趋势,这些地区也存在特殊婚姻策略内卷化的趋势。改革开放前,虽然户籍政策和地理空间限制了农民的出生地,也形塑了地方婚姻市场,但却为一些成婚困难男性带来了成婚机会;改革开放后,伴随着女性通过劳动迁移流入到更为富裕的地区,户籍制度和地理空间导致了空间上婚配机会的不平等。     

婚姻承诺理论视角下农民工婚姻关系的维系

以往关于农民工婚姻稳定性的研究,忽视了婚姻承诺在婚姻维系中的作用。基于对东莞、厦门、龙岩等地调研资料的质性分析,从婚姻吸引力、约束性因素和道德规范三个方面分析农民工婚姻承诺的动因,归纳出农民工婚姻承诺的三种类型,并从文化、制度和结构三个维度探讨农民工婚姻承诺的特点。研究发现,农民工对婚姻的承诺能解释婚姻的稳定性;受文化、制度和结构因素的影响,农民工的婚姻承诺虽然也包含个人承诺的成分,但以结构性承诺和道德承诺为主。研究拓展了婚姻承诺理论的适用群体,丰富了对流动与婚姻稳定性的探讨。     

碰撞与徘徊:打工潮背景下农村青年婚姻流动的变迁——以鄂西南山区坪村为例

在打工潮冲击下,农村青年婚姻流动在村落传统与现代性之间碰撞与徘徊。传统与现代的张力使村庄通婚圈呈现出一幅伸缩并存的变迁图景。传统通婚圈内的地方性知识对婚姻流动的支配作用逐渐削弱。婚姻资源以水平流动占绝对主导地位的状况被改变,垂直流动日趋明显。其配置机制呈现出性别、区域和城乡差异。传统通婚圈的解体,不仅意味着婚姻资源流动范围的扩大和不平等性的加剧,而且在于地方性知识的瓦解与支配婚姻流动规则的改变。     

家庭在场:一个华北乡村的婚姻策略

在华北乡村的婚姻策略中,家庭通过"父母之命,媒妁之言"以及"嫁妆"和"彩礼"等等各种婚姻习俗文化,巧妙地将家庭本位主义理念嵌入到现代乡村年轻人的婚姻实践中,让他们在追求个性自由、权利平等现代婚姻理念的同时,真切感受到传统婚姻文化的力量。     

The Marriage of Politics and Marketing

Research into major party behaviour in Britain from a political marketing perspective finds that political marketing is broad in scope and offers fresh analytical tools to explain how political organizations behave. It is nevertheless a marriage between political science and marketing. It borrows the core marketing concepts of product, sales and market-orientation, and techniques such as market intelligence, and adapts them to suit traditional tenets of political science to produce an integrated theoretical framework. A party that takes a product-orientation argues for what it stands for and believes in. A Sales-Orientated party focuses on selling its argument and product to voters. A Market-Orientated party designs its behaviour to provide voter satisfaction. Exploring these three orientations demonstrates that political marketing can be applied to a wide range of behaviour and suggests its potential to be applied to several areas of political studies.     

“婚内强奸“理性思考——以期待可能性理论为视角

本文通过白俊峰“婚内强奸案”这一典型的疑难案例的法律分析 ,认为该案不构成强奸罪。同时本文还以外国刑法学中关于期待可能性理论为视角 ,进一步剖析了该案不应认定为犯罪的理论依据。     

白头偕老:新世纪的神话?——终身婚姻态度的代际比较研究

本研究使用对上海和兰州城乡2200个样本的抽样调查资料,从观念和行为两个层面对终身婚姻的态度进行描述。研究结果显示,尽管婚姻的不可离异性已不再为社会广泛认同,但多数人仍对离婚的负面后果表示担忧。加上人们普遍认同幸福婚姻对人生的重要意义,主流社会仍推崇白头偕老的核心价值,婚姻的神圣性、持久性仍为大多数人所敬畏、信奉,同时也是现实世界的一个无可争辩事实,而并非是新世纪的一个神话。青年人对终身婚姻失去信心和耐心的推测未被证实。回归分析验证了白头偕老的价值观对婚姻质量及其稳定性的正向作用。     

The Politicization of Marriage in Contemporary American Public Policy: The Defense of Marriage Act and the Personal Responsibility Act

The sexuality politics terrain in the United States is currently marked by a complex and contradictory set of developments‐non-traditional family structures are becoming more common, popular opinion is moving in a more tolerant direction, and the lesbian and gay rights movement has enjoyed some victories, but conservative family values and patriarchal heterosexual marriage have been vigorously promoted by influential right-wing social movements and more deeply institutionalized through important public policy initiatives and court decisions. This article considers the theoretical implications of these developments with respect to the conceptual approaches to citizenship and sexuality. It then analyses two major pieces of federal legislation in depth: the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) and the Personal Responsibility Act (PRA). DOMA effectively encourages the states to ban same-sex marriages. The PRA is generally considered as a welfare 'reform' law that imposes compulsory 'workfare' schemes and time limits for benefit recipients. It nevertheless has a significant sexual regulation dimension. Both the religious right's campaign against same-sex marriage and the welfare reformers' attack on the rights of single mothers contribute to a reactionary politicization of marriage. In conclusion, the article contends that it is only insofar as lesbian and gay rights issues are understood more broadly as but one aspect of sexual regulation and citizenship rights struggles that we can develop more effective ways of advancing the sexual liberation movement as a whole.     

Performing the Nation: Contesting Same-Sex Marriage Rights in the United States

Public opinion polls, Supreme Court decisions, and changes in federal and state law suggest that the United States is witnessing a support for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights today that few would have predicted five years ago. This article offers a critical assessment of that growth as it is manifest in the context of marriage equality. It shows that efforts to advance same-sex marriage rights, while offering an important challenge to oppositional arguments, actually rely on norms quite similar to those of marriage equality opponents. Both advocates and opponents envision and enact the kind of citizenship appropriate to national health and identity in surprisingly similar ways. Both reinforce a set of norms, laws, and practices that make the right to marriage almost synonymous with family and responsible parenting. Such a consolidation of repronormativity may have troubling consequences for efforts to advance LGBT rights at home and abroad.     

Marriage patterns among unwed mothers: Before and after PRWORA

The promotion of marriage and two‐parent families became an explicit public policy goal with the passage of the 1996 welfare reform bill. Marriage has the putative effect of reducing welfare dependency among single mothers, but only if they marry men with earnings sufficient to lift them and their children out of poverty. Newly released data from the 2002 cycle of the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG), along with data from the 1995 cycle, allow us to compare pre‐ and post‐PRWORA differences in (1) cumulative marriage rates among unwed mothers, and (2) patterns of marital choice (that is, differences in characteristics of the men these mothers marry, such as their education and employment status). Overall, our results show that unwed childbearing is associated with lower marriage rates and marital quality. Difference‐in‐difference models show that welfare reform was not strongly associated with pre‐ and post‐welfare reform changes in marriage among nonmarital birth mothers, even among the most disadvantaged mothers. Compared with other women, nonmarital birth mothers also were less likely than other women to marry “economically attractive” men in the post‐welfare reform period. The success of marriage promotion initiatives may depend heavily on whether women themselves are “marriageable” and whether potential spouses have the ability to support a stable family life. © 2008 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.