现代缅甸佛教复兴与佛教民族主义

缅甸是重要的南传上座部佛教国家,11世纪蒲甘三朝阿奴律陀王热心扶持佛教,使之成为国教。此后佛教在缅甸地区就一直没有中断过,它贯穿于大多数缅甸人民的生活之中,人们的世界观、伦理道德,乃至从生到死,民族风俗等无一不受到影响,已成为民族宗教文化精神     

缅甸历史分期探析

缅甸历史所称公元前 85 0年释迦族在缅甸太公建城之说 ,乃抄自梵文经典的印度传说。至缅甸载籍中蒲甘王朝阿奴律陀以前之事迹 ,则多缺乏根据。在缅甸的早期国家中 ,最主要的是骠国 ,早在公元 1世纪时 ,骠国就已经开始出现 ,到公元 7世纪时 ,骠国已是一个幅员辽阔的国家。缅甸封建社会经历了萌芽 (蒲甘王朝时期 ,从 10 44 - 12 87年 )、分裂(12 87- 15 31年 )、发展 (东吁王朝时期 ,15 31- 175 2年 ) ,鼎盛 (雍籍牙王朝前期 ,175 2 - 182 3年 )。在 182 4- 1885年间 ,英国向缅甸发动 3次战争 ,1885年 11月 ,缅甸王室灭亡 ,全缅甸沦为英国殖民地。     

蒲甘王朝时期缅甸的社会经济和社会性质

蒲甘社会是以农业经济为基础的社会。以人工灌溉为基础的稳定的农业,虽然早在蒲甘王朝以前已经在缅甸出现,但直到蒲甘王朝时期,才在缅甸中部的干旱地区即皎克西、瑞冒、任屋申、密铁拉、曼德勒及敏巫地区得到高度的发展。这一地区由灌溉水渠、水库、水塘等组成的灌溉网,到阿隆悉都统治时期就已基本形成。最主要的水利工程有密铁拉湖,建成于     

缅甸佛教的现状

缅甸佛教的现状李晨阳上座部佛教传入缅甸已有１０００多年的历史。在封建社会，佛教一直长盛不衰；在佛教受压制的殖民统治时期，佛教民族主义是缅甸人民争取民族解放的思想旗帜。１９４８年缅甸独立以后，在吴努政府的大力支持下，佛教又发展到一个新的高峰，缅甸和泰国...     

佛教对缅甸独立以来经济发展的影响

佛教对缅甸独立以来经济发展的影响缅甸是一个信仰上座部佛教，历史悠久的东南亚国家。其国土面积约６７万平方公里，人Ｄ４２３３万（据１９９２／９３年统计）。缅甸发展经济，其自然条件十分优越：缅甸全国可耕地面积为１０６１．１万公顷，不仅人均耕地多，而且土地肥...     

缅甸独立后的族际宗教冲突和治理困境

缅甸历史上曾经施行严苛的宗教管理制度,压制了宗教族际对抗。脱离殖民统治、获得政治独立后,缅甸国内宗教族裔群体间的紧张局势并未得到缓解,敌对情绪反而因政治氛围日渐宽松而上升。缅甸的宗教传统为境内族际宗教冲突提供了合法性。缅甸一些政治精英刻意引导民众将当前社会发展的矛盾迁怒于特定宗教族裔,煽动宗教仇恨。部分神职人员则默许信众宣泄宗教暴力。缅甸宗教少数族裔由于缺少社会资本,难以改变自身境遇。随着近年来缅甸国内政治日趋稳定和国际地位正常化,缅甸上座部佛教在宗教冲突中的角色成为外部世界关注的新焦点,宗教冲突本身也因此有望得到国际社会透明和有效的调解。缅甸族际宗教冲突为文明冲突论提供了经验支持。     

缅甸石油工业简况(上)

缅甸是一个石油丰富的国家,石油生产是缅甸国民经济三大支柱之一。石油开采在缅甸有着悠久的历史。据缅甸史书记载,早在一千多年以前的古蒲甘王朝,就在仁安羌(缅文仁安羌就是石油流成的小溪的意思)地区发现并开采石油。随着历史的变迁,缅甸石油生产几经兴衰。缅甸独立以后,石油工业得到较快的恢复和发展,石油产量也有显著增长。1975年起停止原油进口,目前缅甸所产的石油不仅能满足国内需要,而且还有少量出口。缅甸石油工业呈现广阔的发展前景。本文将对缅甸石油工业历史作简单介绍。     

缅甸文学发展简介

緬甸文學发展于11世紀的蒲甘王朝。1057年的宗教战争,緬甸南部文化发达的直通王国被征服,蒲甘王阿奴律陀獲取大量佛教經典和为數三百名有才學的高僧和具有各种技艺的工匠。隨着宗教的改     

缅甸古代文学及其题材的基本特征

11世纪以前,缅甸虽已出现具有浓郁民族色彩的古代民间文学,但是,缅甸文字创于11世纪后,因此,系统反映缅甸文学创作情况的最早年代只能始于1044年后的蒲甘王朝。缅甸著名学者、仰光大学首任校长吴佩貌丁所著《缅甸文学史》是一部享有很高声誉的文学史教科书。书中按缅甸不同历史朝代详尽地叙述了古代缅甸文学的兴衰和演变,着重介绍缅甸各朝     

东亚金融危机后的缅甸华侨华人

东亚金融危机后,缅甸经济明显有恶化的趋势,政治仍然不稳定,“民主化”政治近期内难以出现,但中缅关系继续保持着友好发展的势头。缅甸华侨华人在危机后仍然以经济发展为主,政治地位有所提高,文化状况有所改善,但较长时期内仍将无法取得与缅族同等的政治地位。缅甸华族形成进程受若干因素制约,将是一个充满变数的长期过程。     

Precarity and Political Immobilisation: Migrants from Burma in Chiang Mai,Thailand

An estimated 1.5 million citizens of Burma reside as refugees or migrants in Thailand, where harsh treatment, harassment and social stigmas contribute to a climate of precarity. Although one possible course of action for any community under strain is political mobilisation, for migrants from Burma in the northern city of Chiang Mai, high degrees of exploitation and insecurity have generated an overwhelming disinterest in political issues. The article examines this relationship in five main sections. The first presents the two key concepts that structure the analysis: precarity and political mobilisation. The second examines the context of migration from Burma to Thailand, focusing both on the climate of unrest found in much of Burma and on Thailand's treatment of migrant workers, its non-participation in core international legislation and its sub-standard migrant registration system. The third explains how this study of Burmese migrants in Chiang Mai was undertaken and reviews the ethical considerations required in a study of vulnerable groups. The fourth documents the study's findings and presents migrants' testimony. The fifth seeks to explain the link between precarity and political passivity in this case, and considers the wider implications. The concluding section restates the core finding.     

冷战后缅甸的对华政策

在冷战期间,中国对缅甸采取党对党、政府对政府的双重政策。１９８８ 年缅甸发生政治动乱后,中国终止了对缅共的支持。１９８９ 年４ 月缅共因发生内讧而解体,年迈的领导人被遗弃,这一中缅关系中的敏感问题不复存在。鉴于共同的世界观,中缅双方高层人员往来频繁。双方高级将领也经常互访,以加强缅军与中国人民解放军之间的人事关系     

Ethnic Conflict and State Building in Burma

Commentaries on contemporary Bangladesh give increasing attention to the role of religion, particularly its more “fundamentalist” forms, in public politics. Here we offer an alternative analysis that explores the significance of religion in people's everyday lives, concentrating on its articulation in community politics. We draw on an important local distinction between dharma understood as a moral foundation for life and dharma understood more narrowly as “religion.” Our empirical analysis suggests that it is the former sense of dharma which has greater relevance for the moral order of the community, and is used to evaluate and structure its social and political institutions, including those identified as “religious.” This perspective furnishes fresh insights into the dynamic relationship between religion, politics and social change in modern Bangladesh.     

菲律宾天主教对政治的介入

随着国家政治世俗化的发展,宗教虽然逐步从某些社会生活领域退出,但仍在一些特定的时期和特定的条件下发挥着重要的作用.本文主要讨论天主教对菲律宾政治所产生的两方面的影响:一方面天主教仍然是菲律宾社会中保守力量的代表,反对一些由政府主导的社会变革;另一方面,在民众对世俗政治失去信任的时候,教会扮演着重新团结、组织和领导民众的角色.笔者认为,天主教是菲律宾政治中的隐性力量,在社会稳定时期,教会的影响较小,而在社会秩序发生动荡的时候,天主教会则由隐性的力量变成左右政局的重要力量,直接参与到各种政治活动中.     

缅甸外交政策的新调整:从对华友好到大国平衡外交

1988年政变上台的缅甸新军人政权,遭到西方国家的制裁,不得不努力发展与中国的关系,以稳定国内局势。在统治得到巩固后,缅甸新军人政权开始奉行大国平衡的外交政策,即在继续发展对华关系的同时,努力改善与东盟、印度和日本的关系。本文还分析了缅甸奉行大国平衡外交政策的原因:内因是缅甸国内的民族主义情绪不断上升,外因是区域内外各有关国家对中国在缅甸及周边地区影响不断扩大存在恐惧心理。     

Contested Discourse,Contested Power: Nationalism and the Left in Paraguay

Nationalism has been a key, but generally overlooked, component of twentieth‐century Paraguayan politics and an important explanatory factor in the country’s political outcomes. Indeed, it has been central to the struggle for political power, most significantly to the continuing hegemony of the Colorado Party. This article traces the development of the Paraguayan Left, highlighting its structural and functional weaknesses, and analyses its relationship with nationalism, in particular with the dominant Colorado nationalist discourse. It argues that an important failure of the Left – and indeed other political parties and movements – has been its inability to produce a successful challenge to this hegemonic discourse.     

"9·11事件"对东南亚伊斯兰文化圈的冲击

"9·11事件"对东南亚的最大影响之一,是使该地区政治与宗教的关系发生变化,两者之间的矛盾有可能上升为主要矛盾,影响该地区主要国家的社会政治稳定,进而危及该地区的和平与安全,还有可能改变地区政治格局.     

Elite patronage over party democracy – high politics in Sri Lanka following independence

When Sri Lanka became independent in February 1948 it lacked a well-established party system and instead relied upon patronage and elite social relationships. Though it had a long pre-independence history of constitutional development and evolving democracy, party politics was not deep-rooted and political power continued to be wielded by an elite that had an almost feudal relationship with the masses. The convention based Westminster model Sri Lanka adopted engendered a local system that relied more on relationships than rules. Political parties and institutions were often unable to check and balance the Executive's conduct of power. Sri Lanka's elite operated British institutions in an anachronistic eighteenth-century manner such as in having a patronage-based Cabinet dominated by its prime ministerial leader/patron rather than by collegial attitudes or values. The weakness of party institutionalisation and the ambiguity in the constitutional arrangements laid the foundations for future political conflict and marginalisation of segments of society. The continuity of affairs of state from the colonial era and the known and reassuring leadership of D.S. Senanayake and his ‘Uncle-Nephew Party’ masked the democratic tensions and institutional fragility within the Sri Lankan state that would come to the fore violently only years after what was then seen as a model transfer of power.     

A Hard Culture? Religion and Politics in Turn-of-the-Century Australian History

The idea that Australia developed a uniquely "hard" political culture after 1788 — a culture that prized the rational and made short shift of religion — has had plenty of currency over the years. This idea has been challenged in recent scholarship, along with the broader notion that Western society became secularised during the twentieth century. Set against the backdrop of a wider challenge to the "secularisation narrative", this article explores the work of several historians dealing with the relationship between religion and Australian politics at the turn of the twentieth century. These historians, who include Al Gabay, Frank Bongiorno, Bruce Scates, and Judith Brett, are creating "softer" understandings of Australian political history. As a consequence, I suggest, their work has implications for the way we think about the relationship between the religious and secular Left, as well as for the way we think about Australian masculinities and culture more generally.     

战后缅甸脱离英联邦原因探析

1948年1月4日,缅甸脱离英联邦独立,开英殖民地摆脱英联邦独立之先河,但是,缅甸民族主义独立并不象历史学家所分析的那样,是缅甸民族主义者在战前就已明确提出的奋斗目标.事实上,战后初期缅甸民族主义者的独立观念是模糊不清的,对独立方式也是不明确的,只是希望英国给予缅甸类似印度的"独立"模式.英国政府一意孤行,坚持战时制定的对缅白皮书,此事激怒了缅甸的民族主义者,成为缅甸走上脱离英联邦独立的主要原因.