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和平稳定难临阿富汗 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
10月7日,美、英开始空袭阿富汗塔利班控制区内的防空力量和机场、重要军事设施、拉丹训练营地等“硬件”,反塔北方联盟在美、英空袭配合下,又得到俄罗斯、伊朗、印度、中亚国家后勤补给方面大力援助,在战场上节节推进。为保持有生力量,塔利班先放弃了马扎里沙里夫、塔卢坎等北方城市,11月13日又主动撤离喀布尔、东部城市贾拉拉巴德、西部城市赫拉特,北方联盟当日进驻喀布尔。目前,北方联盟外长阿卜杜拉和国防部长法西姆意欲建立塔吉克族主导下的“后塔利班政权”,美、英则推动联合国出面加紧筹建“过渡政府”。阿富汗能否从近23年的战乱走向和平?笔者认为,和平尚难降临,内战将持续的可能难以排除。 相似文献
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This paper examines the aims, motives and methods of the Taliban, the present rulers of most of Afghanistan. In accordance with their fundamentalist views the Taliban have established an Islamic system which focuses on the implementation of Shariah. This paper argues that the Taliban apply directly the divine injunctions which they have drastically sharpened - that means without being sanctioned by act of law of men. The government which the Taliban have set up has so far reached only a low level of institutionalization; the real power emanates from their leader, Mullah Omar. 相似文献
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Jürgen Kleiner 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):19-32
This paper examines the aims, motives and methods of the Taliban, the present rulers of most of Afghanistan. In accordance with their fundamentalist views the Taliban have established an Islamic system which focuses on the implementation of Shariah. This paper argues that the Taliban apply directly the divine injunctions which they have drastically sharpened ‐ that means without being sanctioned by act of law of men. The government which the Taliban have set up has so far reached only a low level of institutionalization; the real power emanates from their leader, Mullah Omar. 相似文献
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Jia Chunyang 《中国国际问题研究》2009,(2):112-130
In the ensuing two to three years after the downfall of the Taliban regime, there were comparatively few incidents of violence in Afghanistan and the situation was once relatively stable. The Karzai administration was gradually on the right track in its development and some progress was made in the process of economic and social reconstruction in Afghanistan. From 2005, however, the Taliban forces' attacks were on the rise and the security situation in Afghanistan constantly deteriorated. In the past three years, particularly since 2008, the capacity and activities of the Taliban forces grew tremendously and its area of control expanded incessantly. The comeback of the Taliban has become a reality. 相似文献
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1994年10月,在深陷内战灾难的阿富汗南部突然崛起一支新的武装派别——塔利班运动(意即“伊斯兰学校学生运动”)。它1996年9月攻克首都喀布尔并建立政权,至2000年11月夺取了95%的国土,成为阿国内政坛上最重要的一支政治军事力量。这支力量的首领就是一直蒙着一层神秘面纱的毛拉穆罕默德·奥马尔。由于这位毛拉在其控制区还推行极端的伊斯兰原教旨主义统治,所以6年来一直不被国际社会承认。特别是由于他及其领导下的塔利班与本·拉登关系甚深,而美锁定本·拉登是“9·11”恐怖袭击事件的主谋,因此,目前塔利班和本·拉登正在遭到美英的军事打击。他们能否逃过这场劫难,人们只能拭目以待。 相似文献
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Rong Ying 《中国国际问题研究》2009,(6):73-83
With the Independent Election Commission of Afghanistan declaring President Harmid Karzai as the winner in the presidential election, the eventful elections in Afghanistan finally came to an end. The dramatic ending of the Afghan presidential and provincial council elections, which were held on August 20, 2009 but had since mired in disputes and allegations and counter-allegations of frauds, however, is not the beginning of the end of the perilous situation in Afghanistan. 相似文献
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Suranjan Weeraratne 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(4):610-634
This research investigates the dramatic expansion of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria in the last few years. Militant activity has expanded in terms of frequency and severity of attacks, geographic scope, target selection, and strategies used. The evolution of the group and the trajectory of violence are best explained through four overlapping theoretical strands. These include the growing fragmentation of the movement, development of strategic ties with Al Qaeda affiliates, strong-armed counterterrorism operations that further radicalized the movement, and exploitation of the porous border area that separates Nigeria from its northern neighbors. 相似文献
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今年8月6日,美国<纽约时报>、<美国之音>等媒体报道,巴基斯坦塔利班(Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan,TTP,简称巴塔)头目贝图拉·马哈苏德[1]于5日在美军掠夺者无人飞机轰炸中毙命.9日,巴内政部长拉赫曼·马利克声称,马之死确定无疑,并已在7日安葬完毕.10日,巴塔公开承认马哈苏德已经死亡,并将进行15天的默哀.[2]18日,巴塔发言人马乌维·奥马尔被捕, 相似文献
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Montgomery McFate 《Orbis》2019,63(3):416-439
Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje (1858-1936), a Dutch scholar of Islam, served as a “military anthropologist” during the Aceh war in the Dutch East Indies. The Acehnese fighters viewed their anti-colonial struggle against the Dutch as a jihad, construing themselves religious martyrs fighting “infidel invaders,” and carrying out suicide attacks with a machete or dagger. To combat this insurgency Snouck Hurgronje, one of the first Westerners to visit Mecca and author of many books on Islam, developed the so-called “Aceh method,” which became the basis of modern Dutch counterinsurgency strategy. This article addresses the question: what can we learn from the life and times of Snouck Hurgronje? 相似文献
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《Orbis》2018,62(4):632-654
Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje (1858-1936), a Dutch scholar of Islam, served as a “military anthropologist” in during the Aceh war in the Dutch East Indies. The Acehnese fighters viewed their anti-colonial struggle against the Dutch as a jihad, construing themselves religious martyrs fighting “infidel invaders,” and carrying out suicide attacks with a machete or dagger. To combat this insurgency Snouck Hurgronje, one of the first Westerners to visit Mecca and author of many books on Islam, developed the so-called “Aceh method,” which became the basis of modern Dutch counterinsurgency strategy. This article addresses the question: what can we learn from the life and times of Snouck Hurgronje? 相似文献
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试析美国在阿富汗的困局 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
美国主导阿富汗重建七年,目前陷入了四大困境:越反越恐,反恐部队难保安全;美一心想消除的塔利班死灰复燃,控制了阿半壁江山;美支持的阿民主政府失灵,治理国家低效;阿鸦片泛滥成灾,经济恢复缓慢.美国陷入阿富汗困境的根源在于其狭隘利己主义的全球战略,此外,美对塔利班及阿富汗国情认识不足、判断失误也是导致其深陷困境的重要原因.奥巴马政府的上台将是美纠正错误、摆脱困境的一个契机.奥巴马政府将继续高举反恐大旗,把阿富汗问题列入美国外交和国家安全政策的重要议程,并调整反恐的策略手法. 相似文献
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Shortly after 9/11 any kind of engagement, let alone reconciliation, with the Taliban was considered absurd. Recently, however, Afghan as well as Western elites have announced that they are now willing to talk to parts of the Taliban in an attempt to begin a reconciliation process in Afghanistan. This article focuses on the discourse theoretical framework developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe and illustrates the merits of such an approach for explaining how such a shift became possible. It argues that the turn to reconciliation with the Taliban was enabled by a transformation of the discursive construction of the Taliban. The article focuses on the discursive dynamics of the (de)coupling and differentiation of signifiers as a central mechanism of meaning production. It argues that antagonistic identity constructions in the context of the global war on terror formed the discursive background against which the Taliban were first articulated as part of the terrorist “Other”, which made any engagement impossible. From 2009 onwards, however, it can be observed how the signifier “Taliban” was decoupled from the identity of the “terrorist”, how it transcended the antagonistic frontier and came to be seen as an entity worthy of engagement. 相似文献
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“9·11”后,阿富汗重建进程基本按波恩协议规定的方向顺利进行,阿因而基本具备了常态国家的外在形式。在外部力量介入下,阿富汗政治重建远远领先于经济恢复步伐,政治与经济脱节问题日益暴露无遗。阿富汗政府正面临安全形势恶化、军阀势力抬头、毒品经济和贫困、腐败等系列挑战,阿过分依赖美国的负面影响也逐步显现,其发展前景带有较大的不确定性。 相似文献